Friday, October 22, 2010

Behavioral Addiction and the School of Hard Knocks


In discussing in a previous post, emotional Highs I have experienced, I have speculated that the cause of the High can be traced to an “excess of dopamine and serotonin flowing into the brain.”

It has taken a very long time for me to accept the fact that I have conducted the majority of my life decisions of the past several years, based primarily on increasingly compulsive behavior. While I have often had an inkling of the fact that living my live along these dictates is unwise and unhealthy, I have for the most part, dismissed these pangs of conscious, in favor of continuing on with the current habits, as the Highs are so intense in their feeling, hence, the desire to receive the Highs is practically irresistible.

Recently, while paying a spontaneous visit to the Montessori School I attended as a child, my former principal suggested to me that I draw a connection with my compulsive behavior and the psychology of attendees at Alcoholics Anonymous. Basically, the way she phrased it was by asking me if I had ever before attended an AA meeting and witnessed the confessions of the various group members. I responded that I hadn’t. Upon some reflection since the visit, I have relayed in email to the principal, that “I'm finding that it does make a lot of sense.”

If there were a proper term to define my compulsive behavior, it is an “adulation addiction.” I touched upon this subject in a post last month:

There was a time when should I be trapped in a personal state of malaise I could find an outlet in going to the places, working the jobs, and being close to the people who fulfill my emotional needs. In the surge of pleasure that accompanies the act of satisfying my needs, I’d feel myself overtaken by an incredible sense of love, or emotional attachment—attachment to whomever it is that shows me the affection that I seek, whether it be romantic or platonic.

This constant infatuation, not based on a genuine selflessness, but instead based on a selfish need to be adored by others, in order to compensate for my low self esteem.

I have been able to come to terms with the falseness of the infatuation, due to the side effects of my current antidepressant medication. As I wrote before:

For the past nine months I have taken new medicines as a habit. I have the benefit of for the first time being able to work productively at any form of labor within my capacity uninhibited by the demands of lingering emotional needs. The drugs have inhibited that part of the brain responsible for them. I have done more research, gained a greater self-awareness. I supposed this is maturity.

As I write in the email: “It does seem as though, all the negative thoughts I have been plagued by, are directly linked to feelings of self loathing. But whenever I am able to discard this self loathing and look at myself with greater respect, the thoughts, in turn, disappear. I suppose, then, that if negative thinking is an addiction, then as with any addiction, it is a lifelong illness that is hardwired to the brain. But although there is no cure for an addiction, I am able to kick the habit. But as with any addict, there is always the possibility for falling off the wagon.”

From some cursory research:

Characteristics of behavioural addictions according to GrĂ¼sser and Thalemann [9] include:
1. The behaviour is exhibited over a long period of time (at least 12 months) in an excessive, aberrant form, deviating from the norm or extravagant (e.g., regarding its frequency and intensity)
2. Loss of control over the excessive behaviour (duration, frequency, intensity, risk) when the behaviour started
3. Reward effect (the excessive behaviour is instantly considered to be rewarding)
4. Development of tolerance (the behaviour is conducted longer, more often and more intensively in order to achieve the desired effect; in unvaried form, intensity and frequency the desired effect fails to appear)
5. The behaviour that was initially perceived as pleasant, positive and rewarding is increasingly considered to be unpleasant in the course of the addiction
6. Irresistible urge/craving to execute the behaviour
7. Function (the behaviour is primarily employed as a way to regulate emotions/mood)
8. Expectancy of effect (expectancy of pleasant/positive effects by carrying out the excessive behaviour)
9. Limited pattern of behaviour (also applies to build-up and follow-up activities)
10. Cognitive occupation with the build-up, execution and follow-up activities of the excessive behaviour and possibly the anticipated effects of the excessively executed behaviour
11. Irrational, contorted perception of different aspects of the excessive behaviour
12. Withdrawal symptoms (psychological and physical)
13. Continued execution of the excessive behaviour despite negative consequences (health-related, occupational, social)
14. Conditioned/learned reactions (resulting from the confrontation with internal and external stimuli associated with the excessive behaviour as well as from cognitive occupation with the excessive behaviour)
15. Suffering (desire to alleviate perceived suffering)


There is little I can add in analysis, as these characteristics do indeed correspond accurately to the way my compulsive behavior has worked.

One reason that I have allowed my behavior to continue unchecked is that I became so used to it, that it in essence defined my reality. I had long forgotten that it was a false reality, that life could be different without the feelings incumbent with the addiction.

Apparently, I’m not off base. According to Elizabeth Hartney of About.com:

The process of seeking out and engaging in the behavior becomes more frequent and ritualized, until it becomes a significant part of the person's daily life. When the person is addicted, they experience urges or cravings to engage in the behavior, which intensify until the person carries out the behavior again, usually feeling relief and elation.
Negative consequences of the behavior may occur, but the individual persists with the behavior in spite of this.


As I wrote before:

There are many benefits in the practical sense—I’ve gone on for so long, allowing feelings to become obsessions—very self-destructive obsessions, costly to me and potentially threatening my relationships with others.

I suppose it is true what they say: awareness is the first step to recovery.

The hardest part about receive my education in the school of hard knocks is that I can’t expect to move ahead without having screwed up and alienating friends and creating some enemies in the process.

-- Joe

Saturday, October 16, 2010


I have just engaged in a phone conversation with an old confidant, the director of Campus Ministries at my alma mater Franklin Pierce. He is someone from whom, back when I was a student there, I found both spiritual guidance and mental guidance.

From this conversation, I have drawn the following lessons regarding a recent complication in my personal life:

• I have this terrible tendency to judge myself based on how other people view me.

• I suppose I should never allow myself to become too comfortable and vulnerable

• The onus of a friendship or relationship is not just on me.

• The other person has her own baggage too.

• She couldn’t handle the baggage that I have had to struggle with and I couldn’t handle hers.

• I realize I would have been more careful had I known or trusted her better

• I should have known that the friendship would be likely to end in conflict, as she did not really know me. Conflict might have been avoided if she had been able to see me for who I really am and vice versa.

• Facebook robs us of authentic friendships and relationships.

• Before I discovered Facebook, I was focused on nurturing the small circle of friendships I had. Since I have enlarged that circle exponentially thanks to Facebook, I have been less inclined to nurturing few friendships, preferring to stretch my abilities thin by trying to be friends with everybody.



I hear the sound of Smokey Robinson’s voice crooning inside my head as I write this post…

Oooh...la la la la

I did you wrong, my heart went out to play
But in the game I lost you, what a price to pay
I'm cryin'

Ooh baby baby
Ooh baby baby

Mistakes, I know I've made a few
But I'm only human, you've made mistakes too
Im cryin'

Ooh baby baby
Ooh baby baby

I'm just about at the end of my rope
But I can't stop tryin' I can't give up hope
Cause I feel that one day I'll hold you near
Whisper I still love you
Until the day is here
Oooh, I'm crying

Ooh, baby baby
Ooh, baby baby
Ooh, baby baby
ooooh..........


It works on many levels.

-- Mailman enduring…

Thursday, October 14, 2010

Ammendment…


I'd like to amend some points made in previous post, namely the question of antigovernment sentiment in America today, the role played by the Tea Parties, and their relationship with the modern Right as a whole.

In my last entry I made this observation:

Of course, the Tea Partiers like to claim that their fight is a philosophical one—Conservatism vs. Socialism—but if the previous eight years of governance by the Right has taught us anything, it is that the Right has generally been more interested in marginalizing and demonizing liberals than in pursuing a true conservative agenda. They may spout out antigovernment views when they are in the opposition, but are too happy to move the full weight of the government to jail antiwar demonstrators of the Left and accuse dissenters of treason. Repression is ok when your side is doing the repressing.

In writing last Sunday's post I had hoped to include quotes from an op-ed I recalled seeing back in April, but had since forgotten its exact name and in what news outlet it was published. I have just rediscovered it, entirely by chance, while browsing the Christian Science Monitor online. Its title should be revealing enough—'Tea party' activists: Do they hate liberals more than they love liberty?
The same can be said for its subheading—A recent ‘tea party’ rally showed lots of anger toward President Obama, but little consistent support for liberty in America.

The article's author, James Bovard—whom I'm guessing is a civil libertarian, given the fact that he is noted for having penned books with titles like, “Attention Deficit Democracy” and “Lost Rights: The Destruction of American Liberty”—describes his findings upon attending a particular Tea Party rally.

Bovard's opening statement:

Many “tea party” activists staunchly oppose big government, except when it is warring, wiretapping, or waterboarding. A movement that started out denouncing government power apparently has no beef with some of the worst abuses of modern times.

This is practically a mirror reflection for my earlier line, "Repression is ok when your side is doing the repressing." I feel that Bovard has given my position ample validation in his findings.

Among Bovard's findings:

Despite its supposed libertarian bent, "the crowd of 300 seemed most outraged that the US government is not being sufficiently aggressive in using its power."

I keep reading…

Ken Timmerman, the author of “Preachers of Hate: Islam and the War on America” and other hawkish books, declaimed that the US government must take every step to stop Iran from getting nuclear weapons. Mr. Timmerman denounced the Obama administration for being soft on Tehran and urged support for legislation to impose harsh sanctions on Iran. Timmerman previously advocated a US naval blockade of Iran, which he claimed was planning a nuclear attack on the United States.

Running through a litany of President Obama’s greatest failings, Timmerman denounced him for forcing US agents to “stop using enhanced interrogation methods. Has that made us safer?”

“No!” the crowd hollered indignantly.

As my friend Noel has observed on many occasions, the Right's distrust of government usually covers government's role in social services, but not in military or police powers. Bovard makes the same observation and relays it in his report:

There was almost no dissent from any of the 300 attendees. One 50-something man in a faded green T-shirt walked around with a handmade sign declaring, “Stop the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan – Bring Our Troops Home Now!” He told me that almost no one he’d talked agreed with his message.

Much more in tune with the crowd was the 20-something woman carrying a sign: “PROUD to be the Military Super Power.”

The fact that the cost of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq thus far roughly equals the projected cost of the first decade of Obama’s health-care program is irrelevant. Military spending is viewed as holy water by many activists who otherwise despise Washington. While tea party activists rage over Obama’s alleged lies, they ignore the Bush administration’s deceptive justification to attack Iraq.


None of the speakers criticized the warrantless wiretaps that the National Security Agency began during the Bush administration. The feds’ vacuuming up thousands of Americans’ phone calls and e-mails without a warrant seems to be a nonissue for these folks. Perhaps some tea party leaders hope that Republicans will soon be in position to use such powers to surveil the left.

There are many decent Americans who understandably feel that the government has become too powerful and oppressive. Yet, seeking enlightenment from most tea party speakers is like searching in a dark room for a black cat that isn’t there.
(Boldface mine)

Bovard, in this statement, is making no attempt to mask his personal frustrations. Here I'd extend to him my own warning of caution. He can get nowhere by sounding even the slightest bit patronizing, especially when dealing with a crowd that finds unity in a collective distrust of 'elites' with 'establishment' credentials.

But just what are Mr. Bovard's credentials, exactly? A quick check on his his Wikipedia page reveals that his rightist libertarian credentials are impeccable (not sure if I should make that big "L" instead of little "l"). He has made denunciations the Bush presidency from Bush's right, he has been critical of the idea of 'fair trade,' long a staple of liberal/progressive activism, and among his accolades are a "Freedom Fund Award from the Firearms Civil Rights Defense Fund of the National Rifle Association."

Bovard, whether he realizes it or not, is underscoring the dichotomy between the high echelons of the Right—which have now been painted with the 'establishment' banner that they themselves opposed in the Goldwater/Reagan era—and the insurgent movement that composes the Tea Parties. The praise that Bovard has received in the past from influential pundits like George Will and editors of the Wall Street Journal, now work against him.

Here is where the divisions that Rick Perlstein has dubbed, 'Franklins' versus 'Orthogonians' comes to play. Franklins and Orthogonians were the two competing social movements among the student body at Whittier College in the days of Richard Nixon's attendance there. The Franklins represented the well dressed and well spoken movers-and-shakers, while the Orthogonians, led by Nixon, represented the unpolished strivers. Perlstein has argued that this sort of division is applicable to all areas of society, especially in American politics. The establishments of both major parties qualify as Franklins—thus 'elites,' while the upstarts below are the Orthogonians. Perlstein's classic Nixonland makes a convincing case for where this dichotomy exists in other walks of life: In the military, Franklins are commissioned officers, while Orthogonians are enlisted servicemen; and in the media, Franklins are the White House Press Corps, while Orthogonians are beat reporters.

In my last entry, I've laid out my of what defines the political divide. I classify the struggle as between rationalists and irrationalists. I base this on Rick Perlstein's “various elements -- the liberal earnestly confused when rational dialogue won't hold sway; the anti-liberal rage at a world self-evidently out of joint; and, most of all, their mutual incomprehension.” This divide cuts along the traditional liberal and conservative camps. It involves a process of thinking irrespective of political differences. I have proclaimed myself a rationalist thinker, from the left flank. Bovard would there be considered one from the right.

That Bovard is speaking with the conviction of a rationalist who is indeed—to use Perlstein's words—frustrated by "incomprehension" that in this climate "rational dialogue won't hold sway," is evidenced by his disdain for the Tea Party crowd's cultural leanings:

Many of the attendees seemed to hate liberals far more than they loved liberty. A CBS/New York Times poll conducted in April showed that two-thirds of tea party members have a favorable opinion of Sarah Palin, and 57 percent have a favorable opinion of George W. Bush. Denouncing big government while approving of President Bush is like denouncing immodesty while sunning oneself on a nude beach. After all, it was Bush who championed the prescription drug benefit for seniors that adds $7 trillion to Washington’s unfunded liabilities.

Sarah Palin and George W. Bush, of course, have been most successful among their party base in their middle-class cultural appeal, as opposed to firm policy awareness. For this reason, Bush was able to survive politically while skirting any consistency in his governing record. Likewise, Palin's influence among the Tea Party crowd lies more in her current rhetoric as a barnstorming activist figure than her history in public office. The two, as Time Magazine puts it find their greatest asset in their ability "to communicate with religious conservatives and Middle Americans."

Bovard finishes his article with the blunt proclamation:

America needs real champions of freedom – not poorly informed Republican accomplices. Either tea partyers should become more principled or they should ditch their Gadsden flags and wear T-shirts of the lobbying group that organizes the rally they attend.

This reminds me of President Eisenhower's decades-old quote: "I don’t think the United States needs superpatriots. We need patriotism, honestly practiced by all of us, and we don’t need these people that are more patriotic than you or anyone else."

The "superpatriots" that Eisenhower was at the time referring to were most likely the John Birch Society and other fellow travelers.

As I have said before, the type of defiant, self-righteousness that Bovard's closing statement touches upon is counterproductive and unhelpful. It highlights the "incomprehension" and emboldens the insurgents.

Thankfully, though, at least some writers are finally beginning to show signs of comprehending. One writer in particular is Time Magazine's Mark Halperin:

FROM: Mark Halperin
TO: Coastal Elites, the Media and Establishment Politicians of Both Parties
RE: Sarah Heath Palin
Don't underestimate Sarah Palin. Yes, she is hyper-polarizing: she sends her fans into rapture and drives her detractors stark raving mad. But she can dominate the news cycle with a single tweet and generate three days of coverage with a single speech (as she did this past Friday in Iowa). Her name recognition is universal.
You are right to complain that she is not offering specific policy proposals and that her inaccessibility to media outlets other than the one that pays her — Fox News — puts her beyond the kind of scrutiny and accountability we have come to expect for our leaders.

But the mistake you are making is to assume that Palin needs or wants to play by the standard rules of American politics. Or that it even occurs to her to do so. Trash her all you want (even you Republicans who are doing it all the time behind her back) for being uninformed, demagogic and incoherent, and brandish the poll numbers that show fewer and fewer Americans think she is qualified to be President. Strain to apply political and practical norms to Alaska's former governor. You are missing the point.

Surely you've come to accept the reality that as a businessperson, Palin is a genius. The gusher of revenue from her speeches, books and television deals sweeps away any doubt that she can brilliantly harness her energy, charisma and popularity into a moneymaking bonanza.

But what you need to appreciate is that the same dynamics of supply and demand that Palin has cleverly exploited for financial gain also make her inimitably formidable as a political force.


I'd say more, but I think that my point based on everything written above is self-explanatory.

Once again, I've been burning the midnight oil.

From Ithaca, NY
This is Joe the Mailman

Goodnight and…

Sunday, October 10, 2010

10/10/10 – Or Where is a Flying Delorean to Send Me Back Through Time, When I Need One?




In today’s edition (10/10/10) of my hometown newspaper, The Ithaca Journal, a letter to the editor, penned by one, Doug Laney of Horseheads, has offered up one very old (but not outmoded) phrase as an answer to the state of crackpot-ery that seems to define this U.S. election season: “The Sky is Not Falling.”

Obviously, Mr. Laney, like me, belongs to the increasingly marginalized class of voter who is frustrated to find the voice of reason drowned out by the collective voice of all the blowhards and cranks that have dominated the airwaves. Born in 1983, I personally am barely old enough to remember the days when the Christine O’Donnells and the Sharon Angles, with their whacky ramblings of imminent Chinese plots to launch a military invasion of the United States and of Sharia law taking place in some states, would be relegated to handing out cheaply printed pamphlets at the airport, alongside the Moonies and Jews for Jesus. Nowadays, people of such caliber a considered serious candidates for public office, their message broadcast unquestioningly into millions of homes by Fox News. In the old days, Hollywood could effectively combat such paranoid thinking and the paranoiacs behind it using satire in comedies like Dr. Strangelove. Nowadays, Hollywood produces plodding bore-fests like Rendition and Lions for Lambs—someone please tell me where is a flying Delorean to send me back through time, when I need one?

I am sure that Mr. Laney is a man who takes pride in wearing the pin, Reason & Logic, on his lapel. I have, however, some reservation towards Mr. Laney’s particular style of messaging. He seems to present his opinion as fact: “The good news is that no matter what happens in this election cycle, history moves relentlessly to the left. All conservatives can do is to profit in the very short term, and that's OK with them because they worship profit.” He is wrapping himself around an article of faith. However accurate it may be that progress continues to move forward despite short-term obstruction by the forces of an angry backlash, such insouciant gloating emboldens reactionaries and renders liberals unprepared.

I have always cautioned against the dangers of acting self-righteous in the face of a polarized electorate. As I wrote two years ago, liberals too often “fall into the trap of displaying the very ‘elitism’ they [conservatives] have come to believe defines [liberals].”

Make no mistake, we are in the midst of a war, whether we believe we are in the trenches or we are just on the sidelines. The war is Politics. And like any war, no one ever allows anyone to sit it out and not take a side, no matter how much one may wish to proclaim him or herself as being someone who is staying Above-the-Fray. Therein lies the paradox. When the electorate exists in a kulturkampf such as ours, the folk I call the rationalists find themselves pitted against the crackpots, but like many good rationalists we quickly find that it is impossible for us to advance, let alone win, in the climate of irrationality. Rick Perlstein writes of the “various elements -- the liberal earnestly confused when rational dialogue won't hold sway; the anti-liberal rage at a world self-evidently out of joint; and, most of all, their mutual incomprehension.” Given this “mutual incomprehension,” it is natural for rationalists, such as Mr. Laney and myself retreat into a position where we take the role of academic observers, safe from the carnage of the fight, leaving the battle solely to the extremists on both sides. Let the familiar face of the Hard Left take on that of the Hard Right. Today, the familiar face of the Hard Left is usually associated with Moveon.org (Though, by the standards of radicalism throughout the past two centuries, I hardly consider Moveon.org to be very extreme.) This type of thinking is in itself, a false choice. It is virtually impossible to claim total freedom from both sides’ intransigencies. I certainly do not make that claim. To do so would be denying my own sympathies toward one side over the other. I am fully willing to admit that I may find myself defending the actions of extremists fighting for a cause that I believe in, all the while I am denouncing the actions of extremists with whose views I may disagree. I believe it has been the problem for traditional liberal thinkers is the constant have-your-cake-and-eat-it-too mentality. Take as an example, the events of the Student Strike at Columbia University in the spring of 1968. In an effort to mediate between the university administration and antiwar students who had occupied several buildings, one group of idealistic professors formed what became known as the Ad Hoc Faculty Committee, dedicated to resolving the conflict without violence. Though, as historian, Vincent J. Cannato, in his book The Ungovernable City, writes:

Yet the creation of the Ad Hoc Group was based on faulty assumptions. First, they saw themselves as a neutral, objective force on campus that would sort out the competing interests of the different factions. In reality, however, the faculty was not objective. Many faculty members sympathized with the protesters (p. 247).

Mao Zedong famously observed this tendency among western liberals to engage in such “faulty assumptions:”

People who are liberals look upon the principles of Marxism as abstract dogma. They approve of Marxism, but are not prepared to practice it or to practice it in full; they are not prepared to replace their liberalism by Marxism. These people have their Marxism, but they have their liberalism as well--they talk Marxism but practice liberalism; they apply Marxism to others but liberalism to themselves. They keep both kinds of goods in stock and find a use for each. This is how the minds of certain people work.
Liberalism is a manifestation of opportunism and conflicts fundamentally with Marxism. It is negative and objectively has the effect of helping the enemy; that is why the enemy welcomes its preservation in our midst. Such being its nature, there should be no place for it in the ranks of the revolution.

I first read Combat Liberalism [and Discipline] when I stumbled upon it online around five years ago. I suppose I should be wary of my admitting this, for fear of suggesting my guilt-by-reading-material. I can see my inevitable shrill denunciation at the hands of Glenn Beck right now (“Don’t listen to this deluded young man’s traitorous opinions. He reads the writings of Chairman Mao, so he too must be a Marxist/Socialist/Progressive/Muslim who is bent on destroying this country with promises of free healthcare and fluoridated water!!!”)

I’ll be run out of town, of course, just like Anita Dunn, when she made the cardinal sin of calling Mao one of her “favorite political philosophers.” Naturally, Glenn Beck considers his red baiting to be on safe ground. After all, he reasons, "It would be like me saying to you, 'you know who my favorite political philosopher is? Adolf Hitler.' Have you read Mein Kampf? [She wants to] fight your fight like Hitler did." This is a truly fallacious argument. Plenty people may find edification through the writings any number of historical figures, however genocidal. One fan of a Mao biography was none other than George W. Bush. Surely, I can’t think of many NRA-loving, gun-toting conservatives who would disagree with Mao’s famous slogan, “all power comes from the barrel of a gun.” But I doubt they would be so likely as to admit it and find themselves lumped together with all the “Marxist/Socialist/Progressive/Muslims” that are behind every corner. As for fans Mein Kampf, Beck, needn’t look further than his fellow right-wing radio shock-jock, G. Gordon Liddy, who freely admitted to an admiration of Adolph Hitler—his “first political hero.”

As for yours truly, I may have read copies of Combat Liberalism, (which aside from skimming some parts of Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan, is the only work by Mao I have actually read), but I also have been known on occasion to read books by such luminaries as Orestes Brownson, Russell Kirk, and Joseph Schumpeter—men who are hardly transmitters of progressive thought. Beck, might take an interest in such Classical Liberal 19th Century philosophers as Orestes Brownson, or mid-20th Century pioneers of the modern intellectual conservative movement like Kirk and Schumpeter, if only he weren’t so busy reading the works of fringe oddballs like W. Cleon Skousen.

Let’s face it: a then-22-year-old senior at Franklin Pierce College (now, University) in 2005, perusing Mao Zedong’s Combat Liberalism online, isn’t quite the same radical bona fides as “voting with your feet” in People’s Park, Berkley, in 1967, now is it? Anyone wish to cast Joe the Mailman as an enemy of the state?

The chances are, Mao would most definitely have ordered my execution as a counterrevolutionary. After all, I am indeed guilty of just about every liberal sin that Mao rails against in Combat Liberalism, especially “taking a liberal attitude towards oneself.”

Back to the political “war” I write of. I admit to being somewhat fast and loose with labels when I use the term kulturkampf—in English, “culture war” or “culture struggle” to define the shout-a-thon that is politics today. As D.A. Boxwell of the United States Air Force Academy recounts the term’s etymology:

Actually, the phrase “culture war” is nothing new, nor is the concept of a culture at war with itself. In the modern era, we can go all the way back to Germany in the period after the Franco-Prussian War, when (as the OED informs us) the word kulturkampf (literally, culture struggle) entered the lexicon to describe the convulsive conflict between the Bismarck’s government and the Papacy for control of schools and Church appointments (1872-87). The bitterly contested effort to secularize the nascent German empire wasn’t unique in the 19th century, but it was this particular one that articulated it as something more than just a debate or even a conflict. The opposing forces of church and state, if not considered krieg (war), was a “struggle,” according to the phrase’s maker Rudolf Virchow, the scientist and Prussian liberal statesman, who declared in 1873 that the battle with Roman Catholicism assumed “the character of a great struggle in the interest of humanity.” Note that Virchow universalized the conflict in terms larger than the German people, inflating the rhetoric circulating around the controversy, to argue that it had import for all of mankind. As in all struggles, there are wins and losses; in this first kuturkampf, most of the anti-Catholic legislation had been repealed, moderated by Bismarck, or fell by the wayside from a lack of enforcement and public resistance to it.

Is it fair then to call the 2010 American political divide a kulturkampf? The kulturkampf of Bismarck-era Germany was a battle between two radically different philosophies that would dramatically impact the existence of a whole society. Otto Von Bismarck’s secular forces and the religious forces of the Catholic Church were not simply vying for political control, but it was a struggle of the triumph of ideas. Today’s political ideologues seek not idea-oriented, but are more inclined to shouting down the other side. I think then, that the more appropriate term for today should be Kraftkampf—“Power struggle.”

Of course, the Tea Partiers like to claim that their fight is a philosophical one—Conservatism vs. Socialism—but if the previous eight years of governance by the Right has taught us anything, it is that the Right has generally been more interested in marginalizing and demonizing liberals than in pursuing a true conservative agenda. They may spout out antigovernment views when they are in the opposition, but are too happy to move the full weight of the government to jail antiwar demonstrators of the Left and accuse dissenters of treason. Repression is ok when your side is doing the repressing.

There should be little wonder, then, that I haven’t seen as much enthusiasm from Ann Coulter, in her current columns. Back during the Bush years, Coulter practically reigned as Top Dog of Right-Wing anti-liberal pundits. Her main theme was to attack the patriotism of anyone who dared question the invasion and occupation of Iraq. Crying “treason” was truly a winning schtick, and a lucrative one, at that. Now in the Age of Obama, Ms. Coulter hasn’t used that word so much. She seems to have been genuinely unprepared for the rise of the Tea Parties, which have portrayed themselves as just as much a revolt against the conservative Republican establishment, which she herself has been a part of, as it is against the Marxist/Socialist/Progressive/Muslims. One need only notice a developing pattern in her latest columns. She has consistently less to say regarding the political climate of the nation in general, instead opting for focusing on minor regional political disputes. In her August 11th entry she devotes the entire column to blasting a corruption scandal involving Democratic officials in a suburb of Los Angeles. Yes, it has proven hard for the one-time Queen of Cruelty to find her place among the new cast of characters on the political stage, especially now that Sarah Palin has all but knocked her out of the limelight. Apparently the best way she can refine her identity is to take positions that the Ann Coulter of 2005 would find ghastly. According to the New York Times:

Now that members of the Tea Party movement have stolen much of her thunder, Ms. Coulter is taking some surprising new positions. She called the decision to send more troops into Afghanistan “insane,” warning that it could be a new Vietnam. She has decried fellow Republicans for continuing to insist President Obama is Muslim. And perhaps most startling, she wants to bring more gay Republicans into the conservative fold.

Now, call me a hypocrite for giving so much ink to the very pundits I have previously remarked would only be worth a few pamphlets scattered around the airport alongside the literature of the Moonies and Jews for Jesus. But I think it is significant to point out that if there is anyone who truly symbolizes the conflict between the current right-wing backlash against the Age of Obama and traditional “liberal-bashing” it is Ann Coulter.

I’ve been writing this entry for hours, now. It is the first I have successfully written at home, as opposed to at a public spot downtown (or while traveling) in a long time. I suppose I should feel proud for that. I certainly have covered a lot of ground in this one. So how should I tie this all together in with Mr. Doug Laney’s letter to the Ithaca Journal? If only I could think of a hook. But it’s ten minutes to midnight and I’d like to post this while it’s still October 10th. Oh well, the sky is not falling.

Saturday, October 2, 2010

Oct. 2nd, Again…


It’s been difficult finding the motivation to write since I’ve been back in Ithaca. Most likely for reasons I could attribute to the weather, (see my previous post). Either autumn seems to have come much faster this year, or I have just been moving about continents too fast to adjust to anywhere. My mood continues to swing, from Stable to Low. There don’t seem to be many Highs in the works anytime soon. I’ve taken to writing only in public places. Ma’s house just doesn’t cut it. The Starbucks has been more than sufficient for my purpose.

Two years ago, the transition from summer to fall was smooth and easy. It remained hot and beautiful all through September, and made the gradual shift to a colorful autumn in October. Maybe it just felt that way because of the mood I was in. No doubt, I was riding very high at that time, one of those rare times when everything seemed to be my way. Even the setbacks (and there were a few) could be easily glossed over. They only served to fit into my larger plans and schemes, rather than to work against them.

It has just occurred to me, as I am writing this, the date today is October 2nd. In fact, it is quite significant to bring up the state of affairs of two years ago, as it was this exact date that held a great deal of meaning to me. I’d rather not elaborate on this just yet, as I am not quite comfortable in doing so. Perhaps on another day I will. But I can say for certain that it was quite blissful on that October 2nd. Things are much more uncertain today. As is the case on the weekend of this writing, the weekend of October 2nd two years fell on the annual Apple Cider Festival. I’ve grown to truly love this festival. One can truly appreciate the sleepy magical feeling that symbolizes the Ithaca Commons on an autumn weekend, at the Apple Cider Festival. (This is not the festival’s actual title, but I prefer it my way). Apparently, whoever is in charge of the music playing on the overhead PA here at Starbucks agrees with me. The two songs playing successively are Everyday, sung by the late great Buddy Holly, and Across the Universe, unfortunately sung by someone other than the Beatles. To me, nothing ever says “sleepy” and “magical” like Buddy Holly—particularly, Everyday.


Dateline: Six days ago—I’m on the bus coming back to Ithaca from New York City, where I landed three days earlier from a flight leaving Amsterdam. I’m jotting down as many thoughts in my notebook that race through my mind as we are cruising across I-80.

9/26/10, Political thought of the Day:
The reality of the Obama Administration’s policies: Obama has done what no Democrat before him has been willing to do—he has pursued a school-reform agenda that directly challenges the power and influence the teachers’ unions have had on the Democratic Party. Yet comment after comment I see posted by Yahoo Users continue to perpetuate this canard that the administration’s policies are kowtowing to the unions!

It is as I have said before. We cannot expect that the forces of reason and logic can ever truly triumph over that of bias and prejudice. Not in this political lifetime.

So many goddamn competing interests making bringing about real change so complicated. Anyone who says that Healthcare Reform is the Holy Grail of politics is mistaken. It is in effecting Education Reform that is finding the true Holy Grail—just an opinion. All the conflict there is internecine.

The day’s political commentary now behind me, I turn my focus to a more tract…

If one day, should my experiences as a young man become subject to examination by historians and pundits, I will tell them now that if there was ever a time and happening where I let my feats of fantasy “become” my reality, it was my near-yearlong journey through Australia, hands down. I call it the period of Transference—transference in that perspective transfers from one reality to another, as the physical world remains the same.

Surely, anyone knows how different the world may seem when you are on one great, long High. The air seems to smell sweeter, the sun seems to shine brighter and the birds seem to sing louder.

As far as pseudo-scientific explanations go, the reason for this overall change in sensory perception is an excess of dopamine and serotonin flowing into the brain (guesswork here). Even the color of the visual world changes, it presents itself in grainy, brightness that is usually seen in a sweet dream (note how the colors of dreams change depending on how good, bad, and sad they are.) Self-deception, overreaching ambition, and actual aptitude are all in one big state of confusion and conflation. But the mind finds relative ease in glossing over that confusion.

At least, this was the way it all seemed to me from the end of August, 2008, wrapping up the summer at French Woods, through a brief foray to Los Angeles in the beginning of September, till the moment I crashed in Australia in February, 2009 (Not sure exactly where to pin down the place of the crash, either at the wwoofing farm in Gingin, upon backtracking to Perth, or returning to Adelaide—an eventful month.)


The Crash—where then, the worst sinks its head; vision becomes defined by the colors of a miserable day marching through the pouring rain. To think, before, I was climbing the hills near the beaches at Goolwa, on a gorgeious South Australian summer day (December). Afterward, I’m trudging down the sidewalks in Adelaide, feeling crushed and defeated after calling it quits on a needed odd job, the rain pouring down on me. It’s now autumn (March).

At this time, though, I shift my perceptions to meet the change in my mood and circumstances. Where before the whole of the continent had epitomized wonder and wild imagination, I now reduce the scale of my fantasy and ambition from Greater Australia in general, to Adelaide, in particular. The City of Churches becomes the central hub of my ‘dream trip,’ and the Adelaide Travelers Inn becomes the oasis; my ‘unplanned community,’ if you will. A community of young nomadic souls converges in a collective vacation (or holiday, depending on which side of the pond you come from the grind of Real Life.

To be continued…