Thursday, December 30, 2010

Post from Facebook Notes (New Year's Eve, 2011, Ithaca, NY, USA)


Thank You All…And Toward the Coming Year…

by Joe Lehman on Friday, December 31, 2010 at 1:51am

I wish to express my deepest thanks to everyone who has been so supportive and understanding in their wishes, following my long struggle through depression and obsessiveness. I also wish to apologize to anyone whom I might have caused worry or unease regarding the dramatic nature of several of my previous status statements. As one friend has pointed out, in this present hardship, writing such postings on Facebook have been the most immediate coping mechanism I have encountered. It has been my way of trying to make some sense of this state of emotional crisis. I further wish to apologize for the laxity in my responses to people's inquiries on Facebook. In my anxiety, I have found it difficult to maintain active contact on Facebook, likewise the physical world.

It has been little over two months since my latest 'crash,' as I call it. Due to a variety of reasons, mostly involving the culmination of events that have occurred all throughout this past year, I have experienced an extreme panic attack. This attack has proven itself to be greater in impact than previous ones I have faced, due to the fact that for once I do not maintain a degree of grandiosity and fantasy with which to serve as a leg to "fall back" on. As such, it has been only gradually, that I have made strides to resume normal functioning.

If it is meant for this year to end for me in ignominy, then I bid Qué Sera Sera. It is my hope that conditions will improve in the coming year, for me and for everyone.

Thank you all for your kind wishes and prayers. May you all have a Happy New Year.

Je t'aime,

Joe

Friday, October 22, 2010

Behavioral Addiction and the School of Hard Knocks


In discussing in a previous post, emotional Highs I have experienced, I have speculated that the cause of the High can be traced to an “excess of dopamine and serotonin flowing into the brain.”

It has taken a very long time for me to accept the fact that I have conducted the majority of my life decisions of the past several years, based primarily on increasingly compulsive behavior. While I have often had an inkling of the fact that living my live along these dictates is unwise and unhealthy, I have for the most part, dismissed these pangs of conscious, in favor of continuing on with the current habits, as the Highs are so intense in their feeling, hence, the desire to receive the Highs is practically irresistible.

Recently, while paying a spontaneous visit to the Montessori School I attended as a child, my former principal suggested to me that I draw a connection with my compulsive behavior and the psychology of attendees at Alcoholics Anonymous. Basically, the way she phrased it was by asking me if I had ever before attended an AA meeting and witnessed the confessions of the various group members. I responded that I hadn’t. Upon some reflection since the visit, I have relayed in email to the principal, that “I'm finding that it does make a lot of sense.”

If there were a proper term to define my compulsive behavior, it is an “adulation addiction.” I touched upon this subject in a post last month:

There was a time when should I be trapped in a personal state of malaise I could find an outlet in going to the places, working the jobs, and being close to the people who fulfill my emotional needs. In the surge of pleasure that accompanies the act of satisfying my needs, I’d feel myself overtaken by an incredible sense of love, or emotional attachment—attachment to whomever it is that shows me the affection that I seek, whether it be romantic or platonic.

This constant infatuation, not based on a genuine selflessness, but instead based on a selfish need to be adored by others, in order to compensate for my low self esteem.

I have been able to come to terms with the falseness of the infatuation, due to the side effects of my current antidepressant medication. As I wrote before:

For the past nine months I have taken new medicines as a habit. I have the benefit of for the first time being able to work productively at any form of labor within my capacity uninhibited by the demands of lingering emotional needs. The drugs have inhibited that part of the brain responsible for them. I have done more research, gained a greater self-awareness. I supposed this is maturity.

As I write in the email: “It does seem as though, all the negative thoughts I have been plagued by, are directly linked to feelings of self loathing. But whenever I am able to discard this self loathing and look at myself with greater respect, the thoughts, in turn, disappear. I suppose, then, that if negative thinking is an addiction, then as with any addiction, it is a lifelong illness that is hardwired to the brain. But although there is no cure for an addiction, I am able to kick the habit. But as with any addict, there is always the possibility for falling off the wagon.”

From some cursory research:

Characteristics of behavioural addictions according to Grüsser and Thalemann [9] include:
1. The behaviour is exhibited over a long period of time (at least 12 months) in an excessive, aberrant form, deviating from the norm or extravagant (e.g., regarding its frequency and intensity)
2. Loss of control over the excessive behaviour (duration, frequency, intensity, risk) when the behaviour started
3. Reward effect (the excessive behaviour is instantly considered to be rewarding)
4. Development of tolerance (the behaviour is conducted longer, more often and more intensively in order to achieve the desired effect; in unvaried form, intensity and frequency the desired effect fails to appear)
5. The behaviour that was initially perceived as pleasant, positive and rewarding is increasingly considered to be unpleasant in the course of the addiction
6. Irresistible urge/craving to execute the behaviour
7. Function (the behaviour is primarily employed as a way to regulate emotions/mood)
8. Expectancy of effect (expectancy of pleasant/positive effects by carrying out the excessive behaviour)
9. Limited pattern of behaviour (also applies to build-up and follow-up activities)
10. Cognitive occupation with the build-up, execution and follow-up activities of the excessive behaviour and possibly the anticipated effects of the excessively executed behaviour
11. Irrational, contorted perception of different aspects of the excessive behaviour
12. Withdrawal symptoms (psychological and physical)
13. Continued execution of the excessive behaviour despite negative consequences (health-related, occupational, social)
14. Conditioned/learned reactions (resulting from the confrontation with internal and external stimuli associated with the excessive behaviour as well as from cognitive occupation with the excessive behaviour)
15. Suffering (desire to alleviate perceived suffering)


There is little I can add in analysis, as these characteristics do indeed correspond accurately to the way my compulsive behavior has worked.

One reason that I have allowed my behavior to continue unchecked is that I became so used to it, that it in essence defined my reality. I had long forgotten that it was a false reality, that life could be different without the feelings incumbent with the addiction.

Apparently, I’m not off base. According to Elizabeth Hartney of About.com:

The process of seeking out and engaging in the behavior becomes more frequent and ritualized, until it becomes a significant part of the person's daily life. When the person is addicted, they experience urges or cravings to engage in the behavior, which intensify until the person carries out the behavior again, usually feeling relief and elation.
Negative consequences of the behavior may occur, but the individual persists with the behavior in spite of this.


As I wrote before:

There are many benefits in the practical sense—I’ve gone on for so long, allowing feelings to become obsessions—very self-destructive obsessions, costly to me and potentially threatening my relationships with others.

I suppose it is true what they say: awareness is the first step to recovery.

The hardest part about receive my education in the school of hard knocks is that I can’t expect to move ahead without having screwed up and alienating friends and creating some enemies in the process.

-- Joe

Saturday, October 16, 2010


I have just engaged in a phone conversation with an old confidant, the director of Campus Ministries at my alma mater Franklin Pierce. He is someone from whom, back when I was a student there, I found both spiritual guidance and mental guidance.

From this conversation, I have drawn the following lessons regarding a recent complication in my personal life:

• I have this terrible tendency to judge myself based on how other people view me.

• I suppose I should never allow myself to become too comfortable and vulnerable

• The onus of a friendship or relationship is not just on me.

• The other person has her own baggage too.

• She couldn’t handle the baggage that I have had to struggle with and I couldn’t handle hers.

• I realize I would have been more careful had I known or trusted her better

• I should have known that the friendship would be likely to end in conflict, as she did not really know me. Conflict might have been avoided if she had been able to see me for who I really am and vice versa.

• Facebook robs us of authentic friendships and relationships.

• Before I discovered Facebook, I was focused on nurturing the small circle of friendships I had. Since I have enlarged that circle exponentially thanks to Facebook, I have been less inclined to nurturing few friendships, preferring to stretch my abilities thin by trying to be friends with everybody.



I hear the sound of Smokey Robinson’s voice crooning inside my head as I write this post…

Oooh...la la la la

I did you wrong, my heart went out to play
But in the game I lost you, what a price to pay
I'm cryin'

Ooh baby baby
Ooh baby baby

Mistakes, I know I've made a few
But I'm only human, you've made mistakes too
Im cryin'

Ooh baby baby
Ooh baby baby

I'm just about at the end of my rope
But I can't stop tryin' I can't give up hope
Cause I feel that one day I'll hold you near
Whisper I still love you
Until the day is here
Oooh, I'm crying

Ooh, baby baby
Ooh, baby baby
Ooh, baby baby
ooooh..........


It works on many levels.

-- Mailman enduring…

Thursday, October 14, 2010

Ammendment…


I'd like to amend some points made in previous post, namely the question of antigovernment sentiment in America today, the role played by the Tea Parties, and their relationship with the modern Right as a whole.

In my last entry I made this observation:

Of course, the Tea Partiers like to claim that their fight is a philosophical one—Conservatism vs. Socialism—but if the previous eight years of governance by the Right has taught us anything, it is that the Right has generally been more interested in marginalizing and demonizing liberals than in pursuing a true conservative agenda. They may spout out antigovernment views when they are in the opposition, but are too happy to move the full weight of the government to jail antiwar demonstrators of the Left and accuse dissenters of treason. Repression is ok when your side is doing the repressing.

In writing last Sunday's post I had hoped to include quotes from an op-ed I recalled seeing back in April, but had since forgotten its exact name and in what news outlet it was published. I have just rediscovered it, entirely by chance, while browsing the Christian Science Monitor online. Its title should be revealing enough—'Tea party' activists: Do they hate liberals more than they love liberty?
The same can be said for its subheading—A recent ‘tea party’ rally showed lots of anger toward President Obama, but little consistent support for liberty in America.

The article's author, James Bovard—whom I'm guessing is a civil libertarian, given the fact that he is noted for having penned books with titles like, “Attention Deficit Democracy” and “Lost Rights: The Destruction of American Liberty”—describes his findings upon attending a particular Tea Party rally.

Bovard's opening statement:

Many “tea party” activists staunchly oppose big government, except when it is warring, wiretapping, or waterboarding. A movement that started out denouncing government power apparently has no beef with some of the worst abuses of modern times.

This is practically a mirror reflection for my earlier line, "Repression is ok when your side is doing the repressing." I feel that Bovard has given my position ample validation in his findings.

Among Bovard's findings:

Despite its supposed libertarian bent, "the crowd of 300 seemed most outraged that the US government is not being sufficiently aggressive in using its power."

I keep reading…

Ken Timmerman, the author of “Preachers of Hate: Islam and the War on America” and other hawkish books, declaimed that the US government must take every step to stop Iran from getting nuclear weapons. Mr. Timmerman denounced the Obama administration for being soft on Tehran and urged support for legislation to impose harsh sanctions on Iran. Timmerman previously advocated a US naval blockade of Iran, which he claimed was planning a nuclear attack on the United States.

Running through a litany of President Obama’s greatest failings, Timmerman denounced him for forcing US agents to “stop using enhanced interrogation methods. Has that made us safer?”

“No!” the crowd hollered indignantly.

As my friend Noel has observed on many occasions, the Right's distrust of government usually covers government's role in social services, but not in military or police powers. Bovard makes the same observation and relays it in his report:

There was almost no dissent from any of the 300 attendees. One 50-something man in a faded green T-shirt walked around with a handmade sign declaring, “Stop the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan – Bring Our Troops Home Now!” He told me that almost no one he’d talked agreed with his message.

Much more in tune with the crowd was the 20-something woman carrying a sign: “PROUD to be the Military Super Power.”

The fact that the cost of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq thus far roughly equals the projected cost of the first decade of Obama’s health-care program is irrelevant. Military spending is viewed as holy water by many activists who otherwise despise Washington. While tea party activists rage over Obama’s alleged lies, they ignore the Bush administration’s deceptive justification to attack Iraq.


None of the speakers criticized the warrantless wiretaps that the National Security Agency began during the Bush administration. The feds’ vacuuming up thousands of Americans’ phone calls and e-mails without a warrant seems to be a nonissue for these folks. Perhaps some tea party leaders hope that Republicans will soon be in position to use such powers to surveil the left.

There are many decent Americans who understandably feel that the government has become too powerful and oppressive. Yet, seeking enlightenment from most tea party speakers is like searching in a dark room for a black cat that isn’t there.
(Boldface mine)

Bovard, in this statement, is making no attempt to mask his personal frustrations. Here I'd extend to him my own warning of caution. He can get nowhere by sounding even the slightest bit patronizing, especially when dealing with a crowd that finds unity in a collective distrust of 'elites' with 'establishment' credentials.

But just what are Mr. Bovard's credentials, exactly? A quick check on his his Wikipedia page reveals that his rightist libertarian credentials are impeccable (not sure if I should make that big "L" instead of little "l"). He has made denunciations the Bush presidency from Bush's right, he has been critical of the idea of 'fair trade,' long a staple of liberal/progressive activism, and among his accolades are a "Freedom Fund Award from the Firearms Civil Rights Defense Fund of the National Rifle Association."

Bovard, whether he realizes it or not, is underscoring the dichotomy between the high echelons of the Right—which have now been painted with the 'establishment' banner that they themselves opposed in the Goldwater/Reagan era—and the insurgent movement that composes the Tea Parties. The praise that Bovard has received in the past from influential pundits like George Will and editors of the Wall Street Journal, now work against him.

Here is where the divisions that Rick Perlstein has dubbed, 'Franklins' versus 'Orthogonians' comes to play. Franklins and Orthogonians were the two competing social movements among the student body at Whittier College in the days of Richard Nixon's attendance there. The Franklins represented the well dressed and well spoken movers-and-shakers, while the Orthogonians, led by Nixon, represented the unpolished strivers. Perlstein has argued that this sort of division is applicable to all areas of society, especially in American politics. The establishments of both major parties qualify as Franklins—thus 'elites,' while the upstarts below are the Orthogonians. Perlstein's classic Nixonland makes a convincing case for where this dichotomy exists in other walks of life: In the military, Franklins are commissioned officers, while Orthogonians are enlisted servicemen; and in the media, Franklins are the White House Press Corps, while Orthogonians are beat reporters.

In my last entry, I've laid out my of what defines the political divide. I classify the struggle as between rationalists and irrationalists. I base this on Rick Perlstein's “various elements -- the liberal earnestly confused when rational dialogue won't hold sway; the anti-liberal rage at a world self-evidently out of joint; and, most of all, their mutual incomprehension.” This divide cuts along the traditional liberal and conservative camps. It involves a process of thinking irrespective of political differences. I have proclaimed myself a rationalist thinker, from the left flank. Bovard would there be considered one from the right.

That Bovard is speaking with the conviction of a rationalist who is indeed—to use Perlstein's words—frustrated by "incomprehension" that in this climate "rational dialogue won't hold sway," is evidenced by his disdain for the Tea Party crowd's cultural leanings:

Many of the attendees seemed to hate liberals far more than they loved liberty. A CBS/New York Times poll conducted in April showed that two-thirds of tea party members have a favorable opinion of Sarah Palin, and 57 percent have a favorable opinion of George W. Bush. Denouncing big government while approving of President Bush is like denouncing immodesty while sunning oneself on a nude beach. After all, it was Bush who championed the prescription drug benefit for seniors that adds $7 trillion to Washington’s unfunded liabilities.

Sarah Palin and George W. Bush, of course, have been most successful among their party base in their middle-class cultural appeal, as opposed to firm policy awareness. For this reason, Bush was able to survive politically while skirting any consistency in his governing record. Likewise, Palin's influence among the Tea Party crowd lies more in her current rhetoric as a barnstorming activist figure than her history in public office. The two, as Time Magazine puts it find their greatest asset in their ability "to communicate with religious conservatives and Middle Americans."

Bovard finishes his article with the blunt proclamation:

America needs real champions of freedom – not poorly informed Republican accomplices. Either tea partyers should become more principled or they should ditch their Gadsden flags and wear T-shirts of the lobbying group that organizes the rally they attend.

This reminds me of President Eisenhower's decades-old quote: "I don’t think the United States needs superpatriots. We need patriotism, honestly practiced by all of us, and we don’t need these people that are more patriotic than you or anyone else."

The "superpatriots" that Eisenhower was at the time referring to were most likely the John Birch Society and other fellow travelers.

As I have said before, the type of defiant, self-righteousness that Bovard's closing statement touches upon is counterproductive and unhelpful. It highlights the "incomprehension" and emboldens the insurgents.

Thankfully, though, at least some writers are finally beginning to show signs of comprehending. One writer in particular is Time Magazine's Mark Halperin:

FROM: Mark Halperin
TO: Coastal Elites, the Media and Establishment Politicians of Both Parties
RE: Sarah Heath Palin
Don't underestimate Sarah Palin. Yes, she is hyper-polarizing: she sends her fans into rapture and drives her detractors stark raving mad. But she can dominate the news cycle with a single tweet and generate three days of coverage with a single speech (as she did this past Friday in Iowa). Her name recognition is universal.
You are right to complain that she is not offering specific policy proposals and that her inaccessibility to media outlets other than the one that pays her — Fox News — puts her beyond the kind of scrutiny and accountability we have come to expect for our leaders.

But the mistake you are making is to assume that Palin needs or wants to play by the standard rules of American politics. Or that it even occurs to her to do so. Trash her all you want (even you Republicans who are doing it all the time behind her back) for being uninformed, demagogic and incoherent, and brandish the poll numbers that show fewer and fewer Americans think she is qualified to be President. Strain to apply political and practical norms to Alaska's former governor. You are missing the point.

Surely you've come to accept the reality that as a businessperson, Palin is a genius. The gusher of revenue from her speeches, books and television deals sweeps away any doubt that she can brilliantly harness her energy, charisma and popularity into a moneymaking bonanza.

But what you need to appreciate is that the same dynamics of supply and demand that Palin has cleverly exploited for financial gain also make her inimitably formidable as a political force.


I'd say more, but I think that my point based on everything written above is self-explanatory.

Once again, I've been burning the midnight oil.

From Ithaca, NY
This is Joe the Mailman

Goodnight and…

Sunday, October 10, 2010

10/10/10 – Or Where is a Flying Delorean to Send Me Back Through Time, When I Need One?




In today’s edition (10/10/10) of my hometown newspaper, The Ithaca Journal, a letter to the editor, penned by one, Doug Laney of Horseheads, has offered up one very old (but not outmoded) phrase as an answer to the state of crackpot-ery that seems to define this U.S. election season: “The Sky is Not Falling.”

Obviously, Mr. Laney, like me, belongs to the increasingly marginalized class of voter who is frustrated to find the voice of reason drowned out by the collective voice of all the blowhards and cranks that have dominated the airwaves. Born in 1983, I personally am barely old enough to remember the days when the Christine O’Donnells and the Sharon Angles, with their whacky ramblings of imminent Chinese plots to launch a military invasion of the United States and of Sharia law taking place in some states, would be relegated to handing out cheaply printed pamphlets at the airport, alongside the Moonies and Jews for Jesus. Nowadays, people of such caliber a considered serious candidates for public office, their message broadcast unquestioningly into millions of homes by Fox News. In the old days, Hollywood could effectively combat such paranoid thinking and the paranoiacs behind it using satire in comedies like Dr. Strangelove. Nowadays, Hollywood produces plodding bore-fests like Rendition and Lions for Lambs—someone please tell me where is a flying Delorean to send me back through time, when I need one?

I am sure that Mr. Laney is a man who takes pride in wearing the pin, Reason & Logic, on his lapel. I have, however, some reservation towards Mr. Laney’s particular style of messaging. He seems to present his opinion as fact: “The good news is that no matter what happens in this election cycle, history moves relentlessly to the left. All conservatives can do is to profit in the very short term, and that's OK with them because they worship profit.” He is wrapping himself around an article of faith. However accurate it may be that progress continues to move forward despite short-term obstruction by the forces of an angry backlash, such insouciant gloating emboldens reactionaries and renders liberals unprepared.

I have always cautioned against the dangers of acting self-righteous in the face of a polarized electorate. As I wrote two years ago, liberals too often “fall into the trap of displaying the very ‘elitism’ they [conservatives] have come to believe defines [liberals].”

Make no mistake, we are in the midst of a war, whether we believe we are in the trenches or we are just on the sidelines. The war is Politics. And like any war, no one ever allows anyone to sit it out and not take a side, no matter how much one may wish to proclaim him or herself as being someone who is staying Above-the-Fray. Therein lies the paradox. When the electorate exists in a kulturkampf such as ours, the folk I call the rationalists find themselves pitted against the crackpots, but like many good rationalists we quickly find that it is impossible for us to advance, let alone win, in the climate of irrationality. Rick Perlstein writes of the “various elements -- the liberal earnestly confused when rational dialogue won't hold sway; the anti-liberal rage at a world self-evidently out of joint; and, most of all, their mutual incomprehension.” Given this “mutual incomprehension,” it is natural for rationalists, such as Mr. Laney and myself retreat into a position where we take the role of academic observers, safe from the carnage of the fight, leaving the battle solely to the extremists on both sides. Let the familiar face of the Hard Left take on that of the Hard Right. Today, the familiar face of the Hard Left is usually associated with Moveon.org (Though, by the standards of radicalism throughout the past two centuries, I hardly consider Moveon.org to be very extreme.) This type of thinking is in itself, a false choice. It is virtually impossible to claim total freedom from both sides’ intransigencies. I certainly do not make that claim. To do so would be denying my own sympathies toward one side over the other. I am fully willing to admit that I may find myself defending the actions of extremists fighting for a cause that I believe in, all the while I am denouncing the actions of extremists with whose views I may disagree. I believe it has been the problem for traditional liberal thinkers is the constant have-your-cake-and-eat-it-too mentality. Take as an example, the events of the Student Strike at Columbia University in the spring of 1968. In an effort to mediate between the university administration and antiwar students who had occupied several buildings, one group of idealistic professors formed what became known as the Ad Hoc Faculty Committee, dedicated to resolving the conflict without violence. Though, as historian, Vincent J. Cannato, in his book The Ungovernable City, writes:

Yet the creation of the Ad Hoc Group was based on faulty assumptions. First, they saw themselves as a neutral, objective force on campus that would sort out the competing interests of the different factions. In reality, however, the faculty was not objective. Many faculty members sympathized with the protesters (p. 247).

Mao Zedong famously observed this tendency among western liberals to engage in such “faulty assumptions:”

People who are liberals look upon the principles of Marxism as abstract dogma. They approve of Marxism, but are not prepared to practice it or to practice it in full; they are not prepared to replace their liberalism by Marxism. These people have their Marxism, but they have their liberalism as well--they talk Marxism but practice liberalism; they apply Marxism to others but liberalism to themselves. They keep both kinds of goods in stock and find a use for each. This is how the minds of certain people work.
Liberalism is a manifestation of opportunism and conflicts fundamentally with Marxism. It is negative and objectively has the effect of helping the enemy; that is why the enemy welcomes its preservation in our midst. Such being its nature, there should be no place for it in the ranks of the revolution.

I first read Combat Liberalism [and Discipline] when I stumbled upon it online around five years ago. I suppose I should be wary of my admitting this, for fear of suggesting my guilt-by-reading-material. I can see my inevitable shrill denunciation at the hands of Glenn Beck right now (“Don’t listen to this deluded young man’s traitorous opinions. He reads the writings of Chairman Mao, so he too must be a Marxist/Socialist/Progressive/Muslim who is bent on destroying this country with promises of free healthcare and fluoridated water!!!”)

I’ll be run out of town, of course, just like Anita Dunn, when she made the cardinal sin of calling Mao one of her “favorite political philosophers.” Naturally, Glenn Beck considers his red baiting to be on safe ground. After all, he reasons, "It would be like me saying to you, 'you know who my favorite political philosopher is? Adolf Hitler.' Have you read Mein Kampf? [She wants to] fight your fight like Hitler did." This is a truly fallacious argument. Plenty people may find edification through the writings any number of historical figures, however genocidal. One fan of a Mao biography was none other than George W. Bush. Surely, I can’t think of many NRA-loving, gun-toting conservatives who would disagree with Mao’s famous slogan, “all power comes from the barrel of a gun.” But I doubt they would be so likely as to admit it and find themselves lumped together with all the “Marxist/Socialist/Progressive/Muslims” that are behind every corner. As for fans Mein Kampf, Beck, needn’t look further than his fellow right-wing radio shock-jock, G. Gordon Liddy, who freely admitted to an admiration of Adolph Hitler—his “first political hero.”

As for yours truly, I may have read copies of Combat Liberalism, (which aside from skimming some parts of Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan, is the only work by Mao I have actually read), but I also have been known on occasion to read books by such luminaries as Orestes Brownson, Russell Kirk, and Joseph Schumpeter—men who are hardly transmitters of progressive thought. Beck, might take an interest in such Classical Liberal 19th Century philosophers as Orestes Brownson, or mid-20th Century pioneers of the modern intellectual conservative movement like Kirk and Schumpeter, if only he weren’t so busy reading the works of fringe oddballs like W. Cleon Skousen.

Let’s face it: a then-22-year-old senior at Franklin Pierce College (now, University) in 2005, perusing Mao Zedong’s Combat Liberalism online, isn’t quite the same radical bona fides as “voting with your feet” in People’s Park, Berkley, in 1967, now is it? Anyone wish to cast Joe the Mailman as an enemy of the state?

The chances are, Mao would most definitely have ordered my execution as a counterrevolutionary. After all, I am indeed guilty of just about every liberal sin that Mao rails against in Combat Liberalism, especially “taking a liberal attitude towards oneself.”

Back to the political “war” I write of. I admit to being somewhat fast and loose with labels when I use the term kulturkampf—in English, “culture war” or “culture struggle” to define the shout-a-thon that is politics today. As D.A. Boxwell of the United States Air Force Academy recounts the term’s etymology:

Actually, the phrase “culture war” is nothing new, nor is the concept of a culture at war with itself. In the modern era, we can go all the way back to Germany in the period after the Franco-Prussian War, when (as the OED informs us) the word kulturkampf (literally, culture struggle) entered the lexicon to describe the convulsive conflict between the Bismarck’s government and the Papacy for control of schools and Church appointments (1872-87). The bitterly contested effort to secularize the nascent German empire wasn’t unique in the 19th century, but it was this particular one that articulated it as something more than just a debate or even a conflict. The opposing forces of church and state, if not considered krieg (war), was a “struggle,” according to the phrase’s maker Rudolf Virchow, the scientist and Prussian liberal statesman, who declared in 1873 that the battle with Roman Catholicism assumed “the character of a great struggle in the interest of humanity.” Note that Virchow universalized the conflict in terms larger than the German people, inflating the rhetoric circulating around the controversy, to argue that it had import for all of mankind. As in all struggles, there are wins and losses; in this first kuturkampf, most of the anti-Catholic legislation had been repealed, moderated by Bismarck, or fell by the wayside from a lack of enforcement and public resistance to it.

Is it fair then to call the 2010 American political divide a kulturkampf? The kulturkampf of Bismarck-era Germany was a battle between two radically different philosophies that would dramatically impact the existence of a whole society. Otto Von Bismarck’s secular forces and the religious forces of the Catholic Church were not simply vying for political control, but it was a struggle of the triumph of ideas. Today’s political ideologues seek not idea-oriented, but are more inclined to shouting down the other side. I think then, that the more appropriate term for today should be Kraftkampf—“Power struggle.”

Of course, the Tea Partiers like to claim that their fight is a philosophical one—Conservatism vs. Socialism—but if the previous eight years of governance by the Right has taught us anything, it is that the Right has generally been more interested in marginalizing and demonizing liberals than in pursuing a true conservative agenda. They may spout out antigovernment views when they are in the opposition, but are too happy to move the full weight of the government to jail antiwar demonstrators of the Left and accuse dissenters of treason. Repression is ok when your side is doing the repressing.

There should be little wonder, then, that I haven’t seen as much enthusiasm from Ann Coulter, in her current columns. Back during the Bush years, Coulter practically reigned as Top Dog of Right-Wing anti-liberal pundits. Her main theme was to attack the patriotism of anyone who dared question the invasion and occupation of Iraq. Crying “treason” was truly a winning schtick, and a lucrative one, at that. Now in the Age of Obama, Ms. Coulter hasn’t used that word so much. She seems to have been genuinely unprepared for the rise of the Tea Parties, which have portrayed themselves as just as much a revolt against the conservative Republican establishment, which she herself has been a part of, as it is against the Marxist/Socialist/Progressive/Muslims. One need only notice a developing pattern in her latest columns. She has consistently less to say regarding the political climate of the nation in general, instead opting for focusing on minor regional political disputes. In her August 11th entry she devotes the entire column to blasting a corruption scandal involving Democratic officials in a suburb of Los Angeles. Yes, it has proven hard for the one-time Queen of Cruelty to find her place among the new cast of characters on the political stage, especially now that Sarah Palin has all but knocked her out of the limelight. Apparently the best way she can refine her identity is to take positions that the Ann Coulter of 2005 would find ghastly. According to the New York Times:

Now that members of the Tea Party movement have stolen much of her thunder, Ms. Coulter is taking some surprising new positions. She called the decision to send more troops into Afghanistan “insane,” warning that it could be a new Vietnam. She has decried fellow Republicans for continuing to insist President Obama is Muslim. And perhaps most startling, she wants to bring more gay Republicans into the conservative fold.

Now, call me a hypocrite for giving so much ink to the very pundits I have previously remarked would only be worth a few pamphlets scattered around the airport alongside the literature of the Moonies and Jews for Jesus. But I think it is significant to point out that if there is anyone who truly symbolizes the conflict between the current right-wing backlash against the Age of Obama and traditional “liberal-bashing” it is Ann Coulter.

I’ve been writing this entry for hours, now. It is the first I have successfully written at home, as opposed to at a public spot downtown (or while traveling) in a long time. I suppose I should feel proud for that. I certainly have covered a lot of ground in this one. So how should I tie this all together in with Mr. Doug Laney’s letter to the Ithaca Journal? If only I could think of a hook. But it’s ten minutes to midnight and I’d like to post this while it’s still October 10th. Oh well, the sky is not falling.

Saturday, October 2, 2010

Oct. 2nd, Again…


It’s been difficult finding the motivation to write since I’ve been back in Ithaca. Most likely for reasons I could attribute to the weather, (see my previous post). Either autumn seems to have come much faster this year, or I have just been moving about continents too fast to adjust to anywhere. My mood continues to swing, from Stable to Low. There don’t seem to be many Highs in the works anytime soon. I’ve taken to writing only in public places. Ma’s house just doesn’t cut it. The Starbucks has been more than sufficient for my purpose.

Two years ago, the transition from summer to fall was smooth and easy. It remained hot and beautiful all through September, and made the gradual shift to a colorful autumn in October. Maybe it just felt that way because of the mood I was in. No doubt, I was riding very high at that time, one of those rare times when everything seemed to be my way. Even the setbacks (and there were a few) could be easily glossed over. They only served to fit into my larger plans and schemes, rather than to work against them.

It has just occurred to me, as I am writing this, the date today is October 2nd. In fact, it is quite significant to bring up the state of affairs of two years ago, as it was this exact date that held a great deal of meaning to me. I’d rather not elaborate on this just yet, as I am not quite comfortable in doing so. Perhaps on another day I will. But I can say for certain that it was quite blissful on that October 2nd. Things are much more uncertain today. As is the case on the weekend of this writing, the weekend of October 2nd two years fell on the annual Apple Cider Festival. I’ve grown to truly love this festival. One can truly appreciate the sleepy magical feeling that symbolizes the Ithaca Commons on an autumn weekend, at the Apple Cider Festival. (This is not the festival’s actual title, but I prefer it my way). Apparently, whoever is in charge of the music playing on the overhead PA here at Starbucks agrees with me. The two songs playing successively are Everyday, sung by the late great Buddy Holly, and Across the Universe, unfortunately sung by someone other than the Beatles. To me, nothing ever says “sleepy” and “magical” like Buddy Holly—particularly, Everyday.


Dateline: Six days ago—I’m on the bus coming back to Ithaca from New York City, where I landed three days earlier from a flight leaving Amsterdam. I’m jotting down as many thoughts in my notebook that race through my mind as we are cruising across I-80.

9/26/10, Political thought of the Day:
The reality of the Obama Administration’s policies: Obama has done what no Democrat before him has been willing to do—he has pursued a school-reform agenda that directly challenges the power and influence the teachers’ unions have had on the Democratic Party. Yet comment after comment I see posted by Yahoo Users continue to perpetuate this canard that the administration’s policies are kowtowing to the unions!

It is as I have said before. We cannot expect that the forces of reason and logic can ever truly triumph over that of bias and prejudice. Not in this political lifetime.

So many goddamn competing interests making bringing about real change so complicated. Anyone who says that Healthcare Reform is the Holy Grail of politics is mistaken. It is in effecting Education Reform that is finding the true Holy Grail—just an opinion. All the conflict there is internecine.

The day’s political commentary now behind me, I turn my focus to a more tract…

If one day, should my experiences as a young man become subject to examination by historians and pundits, I will tell them now that if there was ever a time and happening where I let my feats of fantasy “become” my reality, it was my near-yearlong journey through Australia, hands down. I call it the period of Transference—transference in that perspective transfers from one reality to another, as the physical world remains the same.

Surely, anyone knows how different the world may seem when you are on one great, long High. The air seems to smell sweeter, the sun seems to shine brighter and the birds seem to sing louder.

As far as pseudo-scientific explanations go, the reason for this overall change in sensory perception is an excess of dopamine and serotonin flowing into the brain (guesswork here). Even the color of the visual world changes, it presents itself in grainy, brightness that is usually seen in a sweet dream (note how the colors of dreams change depending on how good, bad, and sad they are.) Self-deception, overreaching ambition, and actual aptitude are all in one big state of confusion and conflation. But the mind finds relative ease in glossing over that confusion.

At least, this was the way it all seemed to me from the end of August, 2008, wrapping up the summer at French Woods, through a brief foray to Los Angeles in the beginning of September, till the moment I crashed in Australia in February, 2009 (Not sure exactly where to pin down the place of the crash, either at the wwoofing farm in Gingin, upon backtracking to Perth, or returning to Adelaide—an eventful month.)


The Crash—where then, the worst sinks its head; vision becomes defined by the colors of a miserable day marching through the pouring rain. To think, before, I was climbing the hills near the beaches at Goolwa, on a gorgeious South Australian summer day (December). Afterward, I’m trudging down the sidewalks in Adelaide, feeling crushed and defeated after calling it quits on a needed odd job, the rain pouring down on me. It’s now autumn (March).

At this time, though, I shift my perceptions to meet the change in my mood and circumstances. Where before the whole of the continent had epitomized wonder and wild imagination, I now reduce the scale of my fantasy and ambition from Greater Australia in general, to Adelaide, in particular. The City of Churches becomes the central hub of my ‘dream trip,’ and the Adelaide Travelers Inn becomes the oasis; my ‘unplanned community,’ if you will. A community of young nomadic souls converges in a collective vacation (or holiday, depending on which side of the pond you come from the grind of Real Life.

To be continued…

Monday, September 27, 2010

Thus is prologue…

7:40 PM, 9/27/10

Stepping back on American soil has had a real take-the-edge-off-type feeling.
Walking the streets of New York City barely 24 hours after flying in from the Netherlands was relieving. Whereas it has been such a rapid seasonal change in Europe, the sight of everyday New Yorkers strolling around on an Indian Summer-Saturday was surreal. I don’t remember ever describing midtown Manhattan as seeming so laid-back before this Saturday.

I’m in Ithaca again. Came in from Port Authority by bus yesterday evening

This past weekend in the city was eventful enough that the solitude that sitting on my mother’s sofa brings as I am typing this entry has left me with little energy to elaborate.

There is plenty on my mind regarding to events of the past week, in both the Netherlands and NYC.

I’ll get to it when rested.

Right now, I’d just like to get some long-needed pleasure reading done.

Thus is prologue…

Wednesday, September 22, 2010


9/22/10

From Woerden—Update:

Heading from the Netherlands to New York tomorrow. Catching a flight from Amsterdam to JFK. Staying in NYC for a few days, and then we'll see where I move on.

Those words: We’ll see where I move on…They are so familiar to me now that I have little trouble at all letting them slip past my throat. What do they mean between the lines? There are no permanent plans in place, no lofty ambition to tackle upon returning to the Real World. I’ve settled upon the fact that there is no ‘real world’ for me. Sure, I have tried (twice now) to commit myself to a responsible future—responsible, as the eyes of others would see it. These ‘others’, of course coming in the form of frustrated psychotherapists and asshole husbands of demented Aunts. The first time, the Fall of 2007, a half-baked stop-gap of an endeavor to gain a History MA at SUNY Cortland (a degree that while providing some intellectual stimulation is otherwise of little to no practical value professionally), and the second time, Winter 2010, just another uninformed Walter Mitty-trip, attempting to enter an Early Childhood Education Program at the same SUNY, all the while in the midst of recovering from the after-effects of the worst depressive crash in my entire history of depressive crashes.

So, no, there will be no more Walter Mitty-trips, though there will probably be more stop-gaps, until my coffers are replenished.

I don’t see myself as living a sedentary life any time soon. I remain a nomad whether my current digs are in a place that is foreign or domestic. As I have written to a young friend and former camper of mine:

Personal security and stability is the chief concern. However, I feel that my options are far too narrow, as in effect; I don't feel that I have a "home" to return to. I have essentially been a peripatetic for several years now, whether it is I who is moving on, or if it is the many who come and go in and out of my life. The mind can take so much stimulation, but it lacks the ability to resist its natural capacity for making attachments.

Took a long walk through Woerden today. The sun has finally come out, after several overcast and rainy days. It makes the flatness of Holland’s ground level seem otherworldly to me. Serene. My, how there is this scent that wafts through the air that is both gamey and sea-like, at the same time. I could practically hear sea gulls around me, if only in my imagination. That’s the best way I can describe it.

Indian summer.

Mailman abiding, toward the next…

Monday, September 20, 2010


9/20/10

Dateline: It’s June 30, and I’m sitting in the Starbucks on Seneca St. (the only Starbucks in downtown Ithaca, NY). I’ve recently discovered that it is much more conducive to my writing to take my laptop to public places when I have the urge to write—I’d produced my ‘FWF farewell’ letter from an outside bench at Purity Ice Cream, only three days earlier. It’s late at night, near the closing time. I’m having a bit of trouble finding motivation to type. I do manage to put out:

I’ve found—not without some feeling of irony—that fading away, with little flourish into the chronicles of French Woods past has proven more difficult than I’ve envisioned. No amount of reflection and catharsis seems to quell my restless spirit, essentially experiencing the equivalent of eviction from its adopted place of comfort and purpose, i.e., the French Woods mailroom. How is one meant to cope with the loss of the foundation he’s cherished for a significant period of his life? If in his short and turbulent life, he has known the feeling of presiding over one institution that he has shaped in his own design, a system where he has enjoyed control…

At this time, I’m too frustrated to continue, so I take a break and surf the web. One thing that relaxes me is reading from the Katha-Upanishad: The sharp edge of a razor is difficult to pass over;
thus the wise say the path to Salvation is hard. —3.14 It was from this verse that W. Somerset Maugham penned the title to his classic, The Razor’s Edge. Since my pilgrimage through Australia, that book and its title verse hold a great deal of meaning to me.

That was then. Two months later and I’m across the pond.

Dateline: It’s August 30, and I’m sitting in a Nando’s in Glasgow. From having been monitoring the Facebook traffic of French Woodites, I can see that the final session of camp has reached its climax for the summer. Exiting campers and staff are uploading the last of their troves of photos, all of which have the same thing in common: Happy young people smiling brightly; the closeness; the satisfaction of another fun-filled year, now behind them. I used to be one of the smiling faces in images like these. Until now, that is. Scheiße. I still am stewing with animosity over my discomfiting departure, which is best summed up in my June 26 Facebook status: Joe Lehman has done my best to handle the situation with maturity and class. But damn it, I can't get over the feeling of betrayal. I gave the job the best summers of my life. I put in blood, sweat, and tears to ensure everyone's happiness. And what do I have to show for it from the powers that be??!! A quick "fuck you" and goodbye.”

It isn’t the handful of people who I hold directly responsible for my circumstances that I have on my mind, though. I had the least emotional attachment to them, anyway. It’s someone else, someone whose role was relatively minor. But he was the one person whom I had felt closest to and had held in highest esteem and respect at one time. So it is his conduct against me that I truly take personally. While waiting for my dinner of spicy chicken wings to arrive, I decide now seems like the right time to do what I find most cathartic. I take out my pen and notebook—A Kollegieblock I picked up in Stockholm—and I write a letter to this man I once admired. It is a letter I don’t plan on sending, of course, and the names have since been omitted to protect the guilty:

I’ve been watching your rise in the staff hierarchy. I guess it’s what you’ve always wanted, right? Finally being placed in a position of nominal authority after all these years of being the butt of jokes in Sing skits about how The Boss could never find you a consistent job.
I’m sure it feels great to have The Boss ‘s respect (or acceptance—whichever term you prefer), carrying your head high as he gives you a pat on the back, congratulating you on a fine day’s work. Lord knows I’ve always desired to have that, myself. The fact that The Boss is naturally stoic, such a master at keeping his emotional distance, only makes the desire for his acceptance even greater. It’s like seeking the Holy Grail, I suppose—the more difficult to attain, the more desirable. But then, it’s our human nature to want to be popular. It’s a want that follows us to adulthood.
I just wish you might have some understanding of at whose expense it was that has earned you many of those sought pats on the back; at whose expense it was that you have pleased the powers that be enough to rise through the ranks; whom it was that you had to sell short in order to contribute to your success.
I have always admired you, all the way back to the days when I was your camper and you were my camper. That’s about thirteen years gone by since then—have we really gotten that much older? I’ve admired you all the way to the day back in June when I up and quit. Even on that day, I was still telling people that you are a stand-up-guy. So I guess you could say it’s official that I meant it till the end.
But as I look back in retrospect at the circumstances that led up to my departure—or as I prefer to call it, my ouster—the reality of things has become clearer to me. It has been your role in this affair that has hurt me the most.
I had seen the writing on the wall many times, but I chose to shrug my doubts off. I ignored the red flags. Like the day last year in 2009 when you took me aside while I was still sick with pneumonia. You took me aside to criticize me for “not doing enough to delegate authority” so that the CITs would find it easier holding down the fort, getting the mail out on time, in my absence while I am in de facto quarantine in the infirmary. Between the lines, I could see that you were conveying The Princess’s subtle message—that she was disenchanted with me and wanted me replaced.
I have to ask you, though, how you feel, knowing that you had to be the messenger of the campaign to push me out. Does it feel righteous knowing that you’d been serving as the bosses’ proverbial hit man, in order to get ahead? Because I can tell you that from where I stand, it did feel rotten then, and it feels rotten now. It felt rotten sitting there, my energy depleted and my system ravaged physically and emotionally by illness and distress, only to find that the administration would rather offer criticism than support. It was a very time confusing for me, one where I had to ask myself, how the people for who I have worked over a period of many years, with religious dedication and unquestioning loyalty, could turn around a shuttle me aside like this. Well, it’s a kick in the ass. That’s one name to call it. Especially knowing that in the confusion and weakness I felt at the time, I couldn’t really say much in protest.
I have been hearing reports that the mailroom is in a slipshod state this summer. Or at least, proven very difficult to manage, in my absence. My question to you now is, since you made it so clear to me last year that you care so much about efficient management, do you now feel that things are in better or worse shape?
I only ask you this, because I remember that your primary criticism was that I was running the mailroom as a “one-man-show” (I don’t remember if these were your exact words, or mine). Well, would it not seem—especially when compared to this year’s state of operation—that it was a one-man-show that worked pretty effectively for the past seven years? Well I suppose now is a good time to make a turn of that old Reagan-quip “Are You Better Off Than You Were Four Years Ago?”
I remember last year, it took over five people to cover for me, while I was in the infirmary. Now people are telling me that it’s taken “like, twenty” to run the mailroom. How does this rate in terms of efficacy? Perhaps it’s time for a new analysis.
I’ll tell you now, in spite of all my periodic-to-frequent bouts of fatigue, and all the times when I needed to call in assistance from the Head Counselors, I always maintained the fierce drive to make sure the mail got out on time and that everyone—I mean everyone was served and satisfied. You might even say I was so driven in fact that I’d double check to make sure everyone got what he or she needed.
Yes, there were packages that were sometimes lost on my watch, but can you honestly compare that to the unacceptable number that have disappeared this summer without me there in charge? Do you really feel it has been worth the hassle, having to commit more time to entertaining the complaints of irate parents, who wonder why the packages they sent haven’t yet been received?
I don’t know what good comes from my writing this. Perhaps it’s best to say that I’m just doing it for myself. But these are my honest feelings.
Be well,
Joe


Keeping in mind, that I have edited and revised this hypothetical letter since I first conceived it.

From Woerden, Netherlands
This is Joe the Mailman

Sunday, September 19, 2010

On the Swedish Postal System


I'm back in the Netherlands, rooming with a French Woods friend and his family.

Expanding on my thoughts from the other night:

I’ve discovered interesting facts about the Swedish Postal System

The Swedish postal system operates in one of the most liberalized mail markets in the world. Sweden’s national post -- or “ Posten,” as it is known in Sweden -- lost its monopoly privileges on letter mail in 1993, well before all of its European counterparts, with the exception of Finland. Before then, the Swedes already allowed competition in parcels and bulk mail. However, as of 2007, Posten has retained roughly 91% of the light letter market.

Compared to other EU countries, Sweden is in the middle of the pack when it comes to stamp prices for basic domestic letters. Sweden's prices are just slightly higher then average, according to the Free and Fair Post Initiative. 

Swedish Posten is one of the oldest postal services in the world, founded officially in 1636 but with origins that extend still further back. The service has one of the most venerable brand identities in any national culture. 

Posten is also known for its efficiency. It's important to note, however, that the Swedish population is highly concentrated around just a few major cities. The EU minimum standard calls for 85 percent of domestic letter mail to be delivered overnight. Posten far exceeds that standard, with about 95 percent of its mail arriving the next day. 



Privatization

Posten was officially “privatized” in 1994, but the privatization was more formal than real. The new entity -- a limited liability company titled Posten AB -- remains entirely owned by the Swedish government and there are, as yet, no immediate plans to sell the company off to private investors. 

Until this privatization, Posten functioned as an organ of the state -- the Postal Administration. The restructured Posten AB, in turn, owns a group of subsidiaries providing different postal and other related services. In distinction to most other countries, the national postal service in Sweden earlier had only a very limited legal monopoly on the mail -- basically just for letters. Parcels and bulk mail were officially open to competition. However, Posten had an effective monopoly, enjoying government status and paying no taxes.

Liberalization

In 1993, legislation was passed that, in measured steps, began transforming Posten into a “private” corporation and eliminating the sole postal monopoly in light letters.
Home and business post office boxes were opened to competition completely and initiatives were begun to make core elements of postal infrastructure accessible to every new, duly licensed postal operator that sought to deliver the mail. 

Postal codes and change of address processes were opened up to competitors and, within political and practical limitations, made available at cost. 

Prior to liberalization, Posten was “profitable.” At the time, critics claimed that upstarts would cherry pick Posten’s most lucrative markets, leaving Posten to provide “universal delivery” to the less profitable areas. This concern proved to be unfounded, as Posten has remained profitable without explicit state subsidies and has retained 91% of the delivery market, despite 33 licensed competitors. Posten's network of post offices and logistical operations, built over decades, continue to give it a formidable competitive advantage.

Universal Service

Sweden is slightly larger than the state of California, and is sparsely populated. Some 75% of residents -- about 9 million -- live in or around just a few cities. That makes for a relatively compact postal delivery problem. A small minority of residents, scattered across the largely inaccessible North, are the only major obstacle in fulfilling the Universal Service Obligation. 

In Sweden, the USO requirement applies only to addressed letter mail. According to the EC models, providing universal service is ultimately the responsibility of the government itself. In Sweden, the government has contracted with Posten AB fulfill this obligation. Posten AB’s 1998 agreement with the Swedish government makes it the sole provider of USO service. The government’s National Post and Telecom Agency (PTS) regulates the entire postal marketplace, including monitoring and supervising Posten AB’s fulfillment of Sweden’s USO. 

Posten AB is not subsidized for maintaining the USO. Government investigating bodies decided that the advantages Posten AB derives from being the sole (required) universal service provider are sufficient to fund USO. Only a few tiny state subsidies are given for providing timely mail service to the visually impaired, elderly and disabled in very rural areas. 

Universal mail delivery is thought to provide significant commercial advantage vis-à-vis any potential competitors, especially since Posten’s excellent speed of service does not give alternative mail companies much of an opening to skim off a separate “overnight” market. Moreover, any shipper wishing to use a non-universal competitor may be faced with expensive splitting of its mail processing operation. 

Sweden's Universal Service Obligation can be roughly divided into three components: 

1) Delivery "from all to all" Monday through Friday 

2) Single letters must be conveyed at uniform and reasonable rates. Price increases are officially capped at CPI (although prices have exceeded CPI due to tax increases and "rebalancing" of mail costs). 

3) As the official provider of the USO, Posten AB is required to maintain a network of physical postal counters. Many of the services provided by these counters are financial and not related to mail delivery. 

Structure

In 1990, Posten AB maintained 1,934 traditional post offices. Beginning in 2001, Posten began closing many of these traditional post offices, replacing them with a new network of privatized and contracted counter services. 

The new network consists of three main levels. The lowest are roughly 2,000 stamp agents who are mostly proprietors of small shops, stands and kiosks authorized to offer the most basic stamp and mail services. 

The second level of contracted service consists of about 1,600 postal outlets located within larger grocery stores and the like. They are staffed by regular store clerks, are typically open late, and offer more services -- including mail registration and package pickup (in Sweden parcels are not delivered to the door). 

The top level are 381 Business Centers located in commercial areas. These centers are staffed and managed directly by Posten AB. They provide complete post office services, including the processing of business mail and insurance for parcels. Business Centers can be used by individuals and businesses alike and are open weekdays between 7 a.m. and 7 p.m. 

Additionally, rural areas are served by 2,500 rural postmen who bring their “post offices on wheels” directly to the doors of more isolated users. 

Other “traditional” mail services were also formally spun off from Posten AB in 2001. The main unit was Svensk Kassaservice (Swedish Cashier Service) which provides a retail cashier service allowing Swedes to pay bills, withdraw and deposit money from/to bank accounts of several Swedish banks. 



Competition

As of 2007, there were 33 licensed postal operators in Sweden, but almost all were tiny, local operations in niche markets. Only one could remotely be considered a competitor to Posten. That company -- CityMail -- specializes in low-end business bulk mail. 

Launched in Stockholm in 1991, CityMail delivers only to about 40% of households in Sweden using a three-day-a-week cycle. Until 2004, it operated at a loss. CityMail delivered 275 million addressed items in 2006 -- compared to Posten’s 3.263 billion items. CityMail has an 8.6% share of single letter volume and a 13% share of bulk mail. Its 1,400 employees get wages and benefits equal to Posten’s. 

CityMail is poised to expand. In September 2007, the company announced that it would employ 500 new staff as part of a US$14.67 million expansion in central Sweden. By 2010, the company expects to be capable of delivering to 60% of Swedish addresses. 

Posten and CityMail run a combined subsidiary to handle postal zone directories and change-of-address processing, but CityMail has no part of Posten’s network of postal outlets. The services of express and courier companies are not regarded as postal operators and thus are not subject to licensing. 

European postal commissions estimated that national incumbents would be likely to retain roughly 80% of mail share after privatization. In Sweden, Posten AB has been able to maintain a dominant position in all segments of the market. Some 14 years after the opening of the letter market, for instance, Posten AB retains 91%. 

Regulation
Sweden’s National Post and Telecom Agency (PTS) is the independent government agency tasked with supervising and licensing letter mail providers. It also ensures that requirements of Sweden's Universal Service Obligation are met. Parcel and bulk mail delivery does not fall under PTS control. 

Sweden has an independent Competition Authority and there have been numerous cases brought before the Authority -- most concerning CityMail’s attempts to limit Posten’s “customer loyalty programs.” These were discounts offered by Posten to big and well-established companies to keep their business with Posten. 

Posten does not work within a confrontational union environment, and its healthcare costs are taken up by nationalized government health programs. Regulation, competition and wage disputes are not a major political issue in Sweden.

Pricing

Posten’s USO tariffs for letter mail are required to be “uniform and reasonable.” But letter mail is a small part of the mail stream. Other parts of the mail are not as closely regulated, but competition and pricing rules attempt to follow very general EU directives.
 
Price increases for letter mail are in theory tied to the CPI but in fact have risen about 90% since liberalization. Some of these “unusual but allowed” increases are attributed to the imposition of VAT, and some to a structural redistribution of costs by Posten. 

On the bulk side, Posten attempts to match many of CityMail’s volume discounts, but more often the competition is not price but process-driven. Posten uses its own in-house sorting technology, while CityMail encourages customers who, for internal reasons, prefer to control their own mail streams and get customized delivery solutions from CityMail. 

Futures
Competition combined with technology has brought bulk mail prices down 50% in real terms. Large mailers have benefited. Smaller businesses have seen less improvement. Despite the price cap, such businesses have endured gradual increases of over 50% in rates. Moreover, letter postage has increased dramatically even as the percentage of letters in the mail stream continues to decline. Also, parcel rates have soared by 253%. 

Fourteen years after complete liberalization, it does not appear that generalized rules allowing free competition -- without true privatization -- are sufficient to bring competitors into the mail market, at least under the somewhat unique conditions that exist in Sweden.



Well, this information certainly takes the ammunition out of the pontifications of the likes of Sarah Palin, to whom any mention of a nation like Sweden is a mention of the dreaded "socialism."

After all, Sweden's policies on taxes, education, and healthcare are blasphemous enough:

The Swedish value added tax standard rate is 25 per cent for most goods and services; 12 per cent for transportation, hotel services and food; 6 per cent for printed matter, cultural services and private transport. Exempted are medical and dental services, aircraft fuel, opera and ballet performances. Statutory payroll tax is 31.42 per cent for most employees. The maximum personal individual tax is 55 per cent with corporate tax at 26.3 per cent.
In turn, education and healthcare are mostly provided free to its citizens. The children are required to learn the national language as well as a second language (usually English) in primary schools.


How would she feel after reading about the liberalization of the Swedish postal system? Hardly anything socialist about that. Would it make any difference to her? Doubtful. After all, the narrative has already been set. Everyone already "knows" Europe is socialist. Once the forces of ignorance have defined the narrative, it is very difficult, (to say the least) to have it any other way, and there is no amount of reasoned and logic-based argument that can change it.

Ironic, though, that Sarah Palin, who normally would pay no interest to any input from Europe—especially the Scandinavian countries, changed her tune when it was convenient to her self-promoting ways.

Consider her thoughts on the Federal Government's response to the Gulf Oil Disaster:

“What the federal government should have done was to accept the assistance of foreign countries, of entrepreneurial Americans… the Dutch and the Norweigians. They are known for dikes and for cleaning up water and for dealing with spills. They offered to help! And yet, no– they too, with the proverbial ‘can’t even get a phone call back.’ That is what the Norweigians are telling us and the Dutch are telling us. And then the entrepreneurial Americans, the company in Maine that has the boom and the absorbents, those companies that are waiting for the Obama administration eight weeks later…”

Now consider what her response would have been if Obama had actually accepted assistance from the Dutch and the Norwiegians. She'd be leading raucous demonstrations outside the United Nations building, protesting the administration's selling out America's sovereignty to "European Socialists." Anything that suggests America act according to an "Internationalist" agenda is always enough to drive the far-Right to insanity. Just look at the Michael New case, back in 1995…

Imagine how ironic it feels to see this headline blaring across my screen:

"Swedes re-elect government, vote in far-right: exit polls"

That was just forty-five minutes ago.

At any rate, I've already moved on, so it’s all an afterthought now.

From Woerden, Netherlands
This is Joe the Mailman

Friday, September 17, 2010

Postmuseum Musings



9/17/10

I missed the chance to visit the Stockholm Postmuseum today—overslept. I suppose I was asking for it. After all, I was aware of the fact that the museum closes at 4 pm, Tuesdays through Sundays, and I’ve allowed my sleep cycle to go out of whack these past few days and haven’t made much of an effort to rectify that. Unfortunately, I’m moving on tomorrow, so the Postmuseum will have to wait until the next time—may it be sooner or later—that I return to Stockholm.

There is still a positive way I can look at this development, though. Having missed the opportunity today, it raises its value to me. Should I return, visiting the Postmuseum will be higher on my list of priorities. Had I hurried to visit the museum today, I probably would have been doing so with half the attention and enthusiasm that I would give it after I have taken time to nurture in my mind the prospect of visiting.

Call it the effect of “wanting what you don’t possess.” It’s well worth it.



I have made the study of the postal system a fundamental part of my ‘Mailman’ persona. As a backpacker/traveler, I have made a point of gathering as much intelligence on the postal services of each destination*

As I wrote two years ago:

My buddy Noel has a masterful knowledge of iconic imagery and its manipulation to serve an agenda. The rugged individualist message of 1980's action films signifying neoconservative wet dreams; the freeze-frame of Sylvester Stallone with his assault rife, sweat dripping from his muscles, symbolic of American supremacy. Or for the cross-combination of imagery: 1980s consumer product advertising employed for Communist propaganda. (Read: late Soviet-era Estonian ice cream commercials!)

Continuing:

Upon long moments of reflection have I too realized the extent to which I have used icons and iconic imagery to define the developments in my daily life and the changes in my identity over the past year. I've created icons over many abstract

The U.S. Postal Service; Postman Pat, metamorphasized [sic] into French Woods' Joe the Mailman: the archetype of the wandering persecuted fugitive as popularized by Jean Valjean in Les Miserables (the inspiration for my peripatetic backpacking journey across Australia); All popular things Australian.

I stand by the above statement, (all grammatical errors aside).

My above-mentioned friend, Noel Passeri and I have made quite an effective pundit duo. Whereas Noel’s expertise is in his knowledge of political theories, mine is more oriented toward knowledge of human nature and self-interest.

My interest in the symbolic imagery of the international postal system reflects my self-identity.

Symbolism can also be employed to support the conflict theory of politics. Murray Edelman, author of The Symbolic Uses of Politics, according to his critic Larry Arnhart of Northern Illinois University, believed:

Referential symbols allow us to understand empirical reality objectively and to manipulate it for our benefit. Condensation symbols evoke an emotional and thus subjective reaction to a situation, and therefore we see the world not as it really is but as we imagine it to be. By applying this distinction to political symbolism, we can distinguish mythical politics from utilitarian politics. For most people politics is a mythical activity; for a few people it is a utilitarian activity. (1-5) For "mass publics" politics is a spectacle in which they ritualistically seek symbolic reassurance that they live in a meaningful world. But for the "elites," who participate directly in public affairs, politics is merely an instrument for manipulating the objective world to win certain tangible benefits-money and power. The elite few bargain among themselves about public policy in the selfish pursuit of concrete gains, while the naive many deceive themselves into believing that government promotes the common good. The utilitarian politics of the few is a rational calculation of material interests. The mythical politics of the many is an irrational evocation of abstract ideas. (9-11, 15-18, 29, 41-42, 97-98, 124-25, 180)

Thus, like many other political scientists, Edelman rejects American democratic ideals as illusions. (191-94) Much of Edelman's writing seems to assume a Hobbesian view of politics, which could be explained by the influence of Harold Lasswell. Human beings are not by nature political beings. Rather they are divided by their selfish appetites. They establish governments, therefore, only for the sake of securing peace. (Uses, 18-19) On the other hand, Edelman insists that "man is a political animal." (Uses, 1-2) Politics is not merely an instrument for satisfying individual wants, because what a man wants-indeed the essence of his being- is in part a product of political symbolism. (Uses, 19, 43) But this suggests that there is no sharp distinction between the instrumental or utilitarian politics of the elites and the expressive or mythical politics of the masses. "The expressive and symbolic functions of the polity are therefore central: not simply a blind for oligarchic rules, though they may sometimes be that, too." (Uses, 19-20) "Elites are just as likely as others to base their beliefs upon symbolic governmental cues." (Action, 10) In these and other passages, Edelman uses the word "symbolic" in a narrow sense to denote condensation symbols rather than referential symbols. The implication, therefore, seems to be that all human beings-both the elites and the masses-rely on condensation symbols to determine their needs and wants. Only with such symbols can human beings define themselves through interaction with one another.(Uses, 124-25, 127, 142, 180-81; Action, 7, 70, 114, 144-45, 158, 171)

This, however, creates a paradox. Human beings cannot live without relying on mythical symbols that falsify the world. And yet if this is so, it is hard to see how anyone could know it. For in the very act of recognizing that falsification is a necessity for all human beings, someone would have to free himself from that necessity, which would show it was not a necessity after all. One cannot expose falsehood without some conception of truth. Edelman, however, sometimes tries to evade this point.

Larry Arnhart’s article serves both Noel’s and my opinions, where we can agree and disagree, in its forum for Murray Edelman’s views and Arnhart’s criticism of Edelman’s views. Arnhart puts forward:

Since each person looks at the political world from the point of view of his values and interests, all political arguments are rationalizations. Politics is so complex and so ambiguous that any person can find evidence to support his preferred position on any issue. Therefore, when conflicting interests lead to fundamentally different interpretations of the evidence, there is no rational way to settle the disagreement.

I believe that while human nature accords the average voter to have his self-interest at heart, the voter casts his ballot according to his chosen values. It is a mistake to believe that a politician’s victory represents that the public has bestowed in him a mandate for his ideology. Rather, a smart politician knows that in order to succeed he must attempt to co-opt the voters’ values into his agenda. Barack Obama’s mistake, in my opinion is that in the post-election hubris, his administration has instead attempted to do the opposite. In essence, placing their agenda over the public’s values.

As David Paul Kuhn writes in realclearpolitics.com:

Recall the Obama hyperbole of November 2008, so many predictions of an emerging progressive majority. New York Times' columnist Paul Krugman typified a corps of liberal analysts at the time. "We've had a major political realignment," Krugman wrote. "[The] presidential election was a clear referendum on political philosophies -- and the progressive philosophy won." Krugman won a Nobel Prize in economics that same year. Yet even he disregarded how the economy made Obama's mandate that day.
By March 2009, liberal analyst Ruy Teixeira wrote a report on the "New Progressive America." It dissected the presidential electorate. How white, brown, black and educated voted. Everyone but bicycling Norwegians. Yet, as I noted then, the nearly 50-page report ignored the economy's role. The lapse was, again, typical of the time and type.
We are now in another political time. The Democratic House could collapse in less than 50 days. Obama lost the majority long ago. And liberal analysts are running to economic explanations. Krugman has led the chorus. "It really is the economy, stupid," he wrote this summer.
It's an analysis that seeks to have it both ways. The economy is blamed in bad Democratic times. It's ignored in good. This cognitive dissonance deceived Democrats most. It brought hubris when they were on top. It now brings denial. If Obama first won his mandate on progressivism and now lost it with the economy, then the "professional left" does not have to consider where its ideas went wrong.
Democrats 2008 victory was credited to a great politician, a great campaign and a greatly changing nation. Yet it was the economy that made Obama's majority. Not necessarily his victory. But it's in majorities that presidents claim mandates.


It is a mistake repeated by progressives and liberals in general for the past several decades. This has been the basis for Rick Perlstein’s opinions, to which I have since subscribed with much enthusiasm. Progressive change does indeed come naturally over time, yet simultaneously, liberals and progressives tend to lose the public relations war. Despite the irrational backlash orchestrated by a paranoid Right-wing fringe, eventually the public adopts these changes as entitlements:

…When it was Medicare, the center-left much more firmly understood the concept of the reactionary — that this small and predictable minority of obdurate Americans would automatically fight any serious social reform as harbinger of the apocalypse.
Politicians had the moral confidence to push it through nonetheless, past the shrieks of the scared extremists and their corporate ideological partners. Meanwhile, they rhetorically stigmatized the shriekers — confident that wise and enlightened legislation would before long establish cherished social rights (keep the government out of my Medicare!).
With Obama care, however, too many Democrats proceeded from the suspicion that the shriekers might just have something important and useful to say about the broader judgment of of the electorate. And so ultimately, too much political energy and capital was expended trying to achieve an impossible bipartisan consensus on too little reform. Luckily — with financial reform and energy policy — Democrats will have two more bites at the apple.

As an undergraduate student in New Hampshire during the George W. Bush re-election in 2004, watching TV analysis of Bush’s victory—seeing the analysis boil down to one statement among the chattering classes: That one of the main reasons Bush was a stronger candidate than John Kerry was that he was a ‘regular guy’ you’d enjoy having a beer with—I found myself asking the same question that has dogged and frustrated liberals for so long. That surely, the public must have a constant desire to vote against its own interests.

Reading Rick Perlstein’s epic Nixonland and Vincent Cannato’s The Ungovernable City, I have since found a way to see past the inclination to ask such a question. These authors’ opinions have helped me recognize my ingrained political elitism and take a clearer view of the average American voter.

I have managed to gain a greater sympathy for what has attracted so many ordinary Americans to the Tea Party Movement. Still, as a man of reason and logic, what I see as the malignant irrationality of the present political discourse frustrates me and it has tested that sympathy.

I’d been eyeing paperback copies of Andrew Ross Sorkin’s bestseller Too Big to Fail all throughout my time in Europe this summer. The paperback edition has been published here in Europe some months ago. From what I’ve checked, it has only been released in America a week and a half ago. As I already have a hardcover copy back at my mother’s house in Ithaca, NY, it took a great deal of willpower to resist the temptation to buy it. I hadn’t been interested in reading the hardcover copy when it came to my attention several months ago. For one thing, its format bothered me. It seemed too thick, thus possessing the appearance of a potential “door-stopper-of-a-book.” I suppose another reason was that since I was reluctant to put a book belonging to my mother on my night table, at her recommendation. It always feels like less of a pleasure reading a book that way. These reasons are psychological, of course. But I am as susceptible as the next man.

I’ve noticed that some reviewers in European newspapers I have found have had one complaint about the book is that it is too America-centric—that its focus is primarily from the American perspective and that it doesn’t devote much detail to the role of European banks in the Financial Crisis. I admit, that I like many an American cannot help but share this self-absorbed mindset. It is for this reason that I have made such an effort in my travels to gain insight into current events, political and cultural in each destination.

The paperback copies, which I’d notice at airports, train stations, and bus stations, by contrast, seemed like an easier read. The book, in this form was more compact looking and clearly designed for traveling with. At a bookshop in London-Stansted Airport, I was seconds away from making the purchase, but withdrew at the last moment. The next day in Glasgow, I relented and went ahead and bought it at a local store.

Reading the book and seeing the intimate details of the behind the scenes goings-on in the days and months leading up to the collapse of Lehman Brothers and the onset of the Great Financial Crisis has been breathtaking. Behind all the politics and the egos and the backstabbing and the players’ attempts at covering their own asses, the picture seems very simple. Unregulated capitalism has brought on this crisis. And in those hundreds of pages, only in one sentence in the epilogue have I seen any mention of fears of encroaching socialism. So why is it that that is what is really driving the Tea Partiers nuts.

The thought plays in my mind like a broken record. How can it be that in an economic climate following a financial crisis brought about by the shenanigans of big banks reaping the spoils of deregulation over the past eight years of conservative governance, the masses are more vocally up in arms about Big Government, and a liberal administration's attempts to secure the economy and regulate these delinquent banks?

I have noticed in the time I have set aside scrolling the blogosphere that the voices of the Right have hardly been ignorant of the crimes and misdemeanors of the major financial institutions. As a matter of fact, they reserve plenty of bile for them. On Goldman Sachs, for example, the posters on freerepublic.com save plenty of invective for the besieged institution. But these complainers for the most part, manage to weave the subject into the narrative of their anger with the Obama administration. They reserve their focus to members the administration’s alleged ties to Goldman.

It is impossible in these times for the Right to carry its message as committed advocates of Big Business: right or wrong. There is no way that anyone can get away with that. Rand Paul and Congressman Joe Barton have tried that with British Petroleum over the Gulf Oil Spill, and such politics have blown up in their faces.

Indeed, the Right has managed to adapt its message to the current political climate (something the Left has always seemed to have trouble doing). One need only watch Glenn Beck’s nightly rants—and I don’t if I can help it—and he is able to fit Big Business and Big Government into his meandering conspiracy theories.

I have been searching for some kind of screed by a conservative ideologue that can provide a coherent narrative that reconciles anger at Big Government, unions, liberals, progressives, socialists, etc. with anger at Big Business. Glenn Beck's chalkboard certainly doesn't suffice. I found by chance, an op-ed piece by Michael Barone in Investor’s Business Daily. I don't like Michael Barone at all. Never have. He's always been a smarmy bastard and I disagree with his politics and intentions in many areas. However, I find that his observations in this particular article are worth checking out, if strictly for purposes of academic discussion.

Damn, it is getting late. I’d like to keep writing and address my observations of Barone’s article. But now I just don’t have the energy to continue tonight. I’ll finish later.

From Stockholm, Sweden
This is Joe the Mailman

* I admit, devoting so much space and energy to exposition regarding my background is a bit frustrating. Bearing in mind, of course, that once this blog takes off fully, I should become a more familiar presence, and thus should not have to do as much.